Inaugural address of  Stephen Royce  As it appears in the  Journal  of the  House of Representatives  October Session   1854 Saturday, October 14, 1854. Inaugural Message  Fellow citizens of the Senate, and House of Representatives: Elected by  the Freemen of my native State,  to  act  as  their Chief Magistrate  for  the ensuing year,  I meet  the General Assembly to render that co-operation in the business of the present Session, which is enjoined upon me by the Constitution and the Laws. In  this  new,  and  untried  position,  I  feel  the  assurance,  that  faithful  endeavors  to  discharge  its  duties  will meet  a  candid  and  generous  construction,  thought  they  should  not  be  exempt  from  errors  in  judgment,  and mistakes in routine and detail. It  could  not  be  expected  that  the  present  communication would  embrace many  suggestions bearing directly upon  the  business  of  the  Session.  And,  as  I  come  to  the  Executive  Office  at  a  time  of  life  when  brevity  in  a paper  of  this  kind  is  felt  to  be  no  less  the  dictate  of  taste  than  of  inclination  and  convenience,  I  must  claim indulgence for a Message, perhaps, unusually short.  I  do  not  advise  radical  or  extensive  changes  in  the  Laws  of  the  State.  In  the  main,  they  have  always  been eminently  just,  aiming  to  secure  to  the people  equal  rights,  and  to dispense  equal benefits. And,  although  there may  have  been  occasional  tendencies  to  an  excess  of  legislation,  by which  substantial  and  useful  progress  has been  retarded,  yet  I  consider  that  our  laws,  with  the  gradual  ameliorations  and  improvements  of  more  than seventy  years,  may,  as  a  system,  challenge  comparison  with  those  of  any  other  government,  in  the  general wisdom of their provisions, and the facility of their administration.  Of  the various objects, within  the  influence of State Legislation, which now  engage  the  earnest  attention of community,  the  promotion  of  temperance  is  confessedly  among  the  most  interesting  and  important.  The primary,  and  great  question  is  between  permitting,  under  due  regulations,  the  traffic  in  intoxicating  liquors  for the indiscriminate purpose of drinking, and the prohibition of the traffic for such general purpose. Believing  that  the  great  and  manifold  evils  of  intemperance  are  not  to  be  essentially  alleviated  by  any scheme  for  licensing  the  traffic,  beyond  the  purposes  specified  by  our  Statute,  I  repeat  what  I  have  already publicly  announced,  that  I  think  the  Prohibitory  System  ought  to  be  continued.  And,  if  amendments  in  the present  law are attempted,  they should be made with no view  to weaken  the policy of Prohibition. Nor would  I counsel hesitation in carrying out that policy, from any fear that the legislative power to enact prohibition, to its present extent, will be judicially denied. The  people  of  Vermont  have  always  evinced  their  just  appreciation  of  the  great  political  axiom,  “that  a general diffusion of knowledge is indispensable to the qualification of a state, or community, for successful self-government.”  And,  hence,  you  scarcely  need  to  be  reminded  of  the  obligations  to  cherish,  sustain  and  perfect our system for the education of children and youth. It  is  thought  by  some  of  the most  able  and  enlightened men  of  the State,  that  decided  benefit  to  these  great interests may  be  realized  through  the  agency  of  a  Board  of  Education.  And  should  their  plan,  or  any  having  a like  object,  be  presented  for  your  adoption,  I  trust  its  merits  will  be  canvassed  in  the  spirit  of  kindness  and liberality which is due to a subject so important. There  exists  in  every  government  the  necessity  of  an  organized  physical  force,  in  readiness  to  protect  the State,  or  its  members,  from  violence.  In  absolute  governments  this  force  is  a  standing  army;  in  a  free  state,  it should always, except in time of actual war, consist exclusively of militia. Within  a  few  years  past,  our  uniform militia,  as  an  organized  class, has  suffered  a  very marked declension. This is attributable to the indifference with which the Militia system has, of late, been regarded, and to the total suspension of that pecuniary encouragement which had, directly or indirectly, been afforded. It  has  appeared  to  me  that  our  policy  upon  this  subject  should  be  reconsidered;  and  I  think  it  my  duty  to recommend  that  measures  be  taken,  by  the  requisite  enactments,  to  restore  the  uniform  Militia  to  a  state  of efficiency. From  representations  recently made  to me by  the Superintendent and Directors of  the State Prison,  I am  led to  believe  that  an  appropriation  should  be made  for  building, within  the Prison,  a Hospital  for  the  sick,  and  for other  minor  accommodations.  Evidence  will  doubtless  be  laid  before  you,  showing  the  necessity  of  an appropriation. It is thought that an appropriation of one thousand dollars will be sufficient. It  is  believed  and  urged  by  some  of  our most  intelligent  and  experiences  citizens,  that  in  place  of  our  laws which  authorize  the  sale  of  lands  for  non-payment  of  taxes  assessed  thereon,  a  forfeiture  of  such  lands  to  the State, as the consequence of neglecting to pay the taxes upon them, might be advantageously substituted. A law in  the State  of Maine,  to  this  effect,  it  is  said,  has  been  found  to  operate  beneficially. The  subject  is  important, and I deem it worthy of your deliberate consideration. The  duty  to  observe  a  rigid  economy  in  the  public  expenditures  is,  at  all  times  imperative;  and  I  doubt  not that  you  will  study  to  keep  them  at  the  lowers  point  which  will  consist  with  a  due  administration  of  the government. The  signal  prosperity  of  the  State  is  thus  far  continued  without  serious  check  or  abatement.  And  we  have great cause  for devout acknowledgment and  thankfulness  to  the Father of mercies,  for  the general health which the  people  have  been  permitted  to  enjoy, while  pestilence has  been  busy  in  its work  of  death  in  so many  other states.  An Act of Congress, passed at the last Session, annulled that part of the Act of A. D. 1820, commonly called the Missouri Compromise, which restricted the spread of Slavery in a vast region of the country acquired by the Louisiana  Purchase  of  A.  D.  1803.  That  great  adjustment  has  the  moral  attributes  of  a  solemn  and  valid compact; and had  therefore been  recognized and  respected  for more  than  thirty years, as a  final and unalterable act of government, settling forever a great and dangerous controversy. The act repealing the restriction clause of the  Compromise,  was  supported,  and  urged  forward  in  its  passage,  with  almost  unbroken  unanimity,  by  the delegations  from  all  the  Slaveholding  States.  It  has  naturally,  and  very  justly,  excited  a  sentiment  of  intense dislike and stern condemnation throughout the Free States. Notwithstanding  the  glosses  and  palliations  put  forth  in  defense  of  that  measure,  it  appears  to  furnish palpable evidence of its great purpose; and this would seem to be nothing less than to secure to the slave interest an indefinite extension of Slavery, and a perpetual ascendancy and control in the government of the nation. And hence, it should not be a matter of surprise, that so general a determination exists in the Free States to counteract and  resist,  in  all  peaceable  and  constitutional modes,  such  a  spirit  of  unscrupulous  aggression. This  course  has become  manifestly  expedient  and  necessary,  as  the  only  resource  for  the  protection  and  advancement  of  the cause of freedom; and, as an omen of its ultimate success, I may allude to the concentration of feeling and effort which  is  now  so  extensively  witnessed,  and  which  is  so  auspicious  to  the  harmony  and  strength  of  this,  and other States. I conclude by expressing my confident hope that, under the guidance of a wise Providence, your labors may be productive of great and permanent good. }    Executive Chamber,   Montpelier October 14, 1854.  STEPHEN ROYCE.