Executive  Speech of  Jonas Galusha  As it appears in the  RECORDS  OF THE  GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL  OF THE  STATE OF VERMONT.  Volume VI.  1815      October, 1815. SPEECH OF GOV. GALUSHA– 18151.  Gentlemen of  the Council, and Gentlemen of  the House of Representatives, – We  are  assembled  at  a highly interesting period; a period succeeding the most surprising events that ever burst upon the view of an astonished world.    The  storm  of  war,  which  had  overspread  the  whole  civilized  world,  and  threatened  almost  universal ruin, has, by  the overruling hand of Omnipotence, been suddenly hushed  to silence.   The great commotions, by which Europe was shaken  to  its centre, have, for a moment, subsided.   The  important contest  in which we were deeply engaged with one of the most potent nations of the earth, has been happily terminated; and instead of the horrors of war, we are surrounded with all the rich blessings of peace.  While we behold, most conspicuous, the hand of  that Being, who “enlargeth  the nations, and straiteneth  them;” and while our hearts glow with gratitude for  the  signal displays of His beneficence,  in protecting and conducting us  safely and  triumphantly  through our late  struggle  for  the  support  of  our  dearest  rights  and  national  independence,  let  us  look  to Him  for wisdom  to direct  us  in  our  deliberations,  and  aid  to  such  a  discharge  of  our  legislative  duties,  as  shall  conduce  to  the highest interest of our constituents, and the best good of the Union. A  time  of  peace  is  a  time  for  cool  and  deliberate  reflection,  when  all  the  angry  passions,  which  are  too prevalent  in  war,  ought  to  be  quelled,  and  when  the  sufferings  and  dangers  to  which  we  have  been  exposed, together  with  the  causes  of  those  dangers  and  sufferings,  should  be  carefully  sought,  and  critically  examined, for the purpose of avoiding future evils, and ensuring future safety.  Notwithstanding the European powers now seem  tranquil,  yet  the  unexpected  and  extraordinary  changes,  recent  in  that  devoted  country,  justify  our  fears that  new  wars  may  soon  arise  from  some  unseen  cause,  and  put  our  rights  and  liberties  again  in  jeopardy.  During the calm, then, we ought, by an indissoluble union, to be prepared for any storm that may arise. I  do  not  design  to  enter  upon  an  investigation  of  the  causes,  progress  and  termination  of  the  late  war  with Great Britain.  Permit me, however, to observe, that no neutral nation was ever more cautious of giving offence to belligerent powers,  than were  the United States; and no nation  that had  the  least confidence  in  its  strength  to oppose, ever suffered so long, such flagrant abuse of its rights, without resorting to arms.  But when the love of peace  could  no  longer  restrain  its  votaries  from  assuming  an  attitude  to  defend  their  sacred  rights,  and  the nation’s honor, the constituted authorities of our country declared a war which has progressed and terminated in such a manner, as has wholly disappointed  the proud expectations of our enemy, and,  in  the view of  the world, shed a lustre on our national character, which I hope no future disgrace may tarnish. The  nations  of  Europe,  after  suffering  an  almost  incalculable  destruction  of  property,  after  drenching  the earth  with  blood,  and  clothing    their  field  with  carnage,  have  sunk  down  under  governments  no  less  despotic, with  immense  additional  burdens.    Aided  by  protestant  powers,  the  Pope  is  again  restored,  and  Spain  again groans  under  the  terrors  of  the  Inquisition.   France  is  degraded  to  a  state  of wretchedness,  unparalleled,  except in  Poland;  for,  notwithstanding  the  pledge  of  kings,  that,  when  Napoleon  was  secured,  France  should  remain unmolested  in  the  enjoyment  of  her  liberties  and  independence,  yet, when  that  object was  accomplished,  royal faith  was  violated,  and  the  strongholds  of  the  kingdom  put  in  possession  of  foreign  mercenary  troops  who stripped  the  inhabitants  of  their  wealth,  and  spread  devastation  and  terror  through  that  opulent,  polished,  and late  powerful  nation; while  their  stupid monarch  sits  quiet  on  his  throne, without  the  least  exertion  to  preserve his  own  honor,  or  any  seeming  concern  for  the  interests  and  the  happiness  of  the  people  over  whom  he nominally reigns. If from beholding the unhappy state of Europe, we turn our eyes to ill-fated Asia, there we behold despotism and  misery  reigning  triumphant.    Even  in  that  vast  and  populous  territory,  which  has  been  subjected  to  the British  government,  so  far  are  oppression  and  superstition  from  being  exterminated  by England’s  boasted  love of  liberty  and  religion,  that  the  chains  of  cruelty,  ignorance  and  idolatry  are  riveted  by  the  hand  of  that  nation which  is  almost  worshipped  for  its  professed  Christianity.    Idols  and  idol  priest  are  supported  by  the  British government of  the  Indies, and a  revenue drawn by  that government  from  the collection of a  tax  levied on  those                                                  1 From printed Assembly Journal of 1815, p. 12.  deluded  pilgrims,  who  go  to  worship,  and  frequently  to  sacrifice  themselves  in  blind  devotion  to  their  lifeless gods. I  do  not  mention  these  things  thinking  that  they  have  any  immediate  connection  with  the  business  of  this legislature; but,  that we, by reviewing  the wreck of nations, and  the horrors of despotism, may  the higher prize, and more  carefully  guard  the  rights,  and  firmly  support  the  principles  of  a  free,  equal,  and  happy  government.  Of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  the  United  States,  alone,  are  left  to  support  a  government  whose  basis  is  equal liberty, and whose sovereignty is the will of the people.  While, then, we behold a world in chains, and consider that we  belong  to  the  same mass  of  being  of which  other  nations  are  composed,  ought we  not  to  be  jealous  of our rights, and suspicious of usurpers? From  what  has  already  appeared,  is  it  uncharitable  to  say,  that  the  same  restless  ambition,  which  has subverted  former  republics,  and which  ever grasps  at power  regardless of  right, now  rankles  in  the very bosom of our country.  Then, as faithful guardians of the people’s rights, ought we not carefully to watch over our own hearts,  check  every  inordinate  desire,  and  be  vigilant  and  active,  lest  the  subjects  of  that  aspiring  ambition should  overturn  the  fair  temple  of  liberty,  and  ride  into  unlimited  power,  over  the  crumbling  monuments  of freedom  erected  at  the  expense  of  the  blood  of  our  heroes?    Our  rights  and  independence  cannot  be  too  well guarded; for though few will openly declaim against a republican form of government, as being the most happy, while  the  people  continue  tranquil  among  themselves,  and  undisturbed  by  foreign  wars  –  yet,  many  have presumed  to  affirm,  that  is  too  weak  and  too  tardy  in  its  operations,  to  protect  its  citizens  against  domestic insurgents,  or  foreign  invaders.   But we  have  seen,  by  experience,  the  fallacy of  such  assertions;  for  in  the  late contest,  the strength of our government has been amply proved, even at a  time when party spirit prevailed  to as high a degree as an enlightened populace would admit. Although,  in  the  first  stages  of  the  war,  owing  to  a  long  interval  of  peace,  which  it  was  the  interest  and happiness  of our government  to  cherish, until  safety  forbid, we were  destitute  of  such  experienced  officers  and disciplined  troops,  as  seemed  requisite  to meet  the well  tutored  hosts  of  one  of  the most  formidable  nations  in the  world,  whose  perpetual  wars  keep  her  in  constant  readiness  for  any  new  military  enterprise;  and notwithstanding  we  suffered  some  disasters  through  the  failure  of  a  few,  who  did  no  honor  to  their commissions,  yet,  in  a  short  period, was  our  army  as  officered  and  disciplined,  that whenever  the  enemy  came in  contact  with  an  equal,  and  often  an  inferior  number  of  our  troops,  he  was  compelled  to  yield  the  palm  of victory, and either surrender, or retire from the scene of action, confused, disgraced, and abashed.   Witness our illustrious  victories  near  the  shores  of  Erie.    Even  our  militia  have  trampled  on  the  fading  laurels  of  British prowess.   What was  the  state  of  Proctor  in  the West?   Let Harrison  reply.   Where  is  that  formidable  army  that invaded  from  the North? Let Prevost  inform.   Where  are  the boasting  legions,  flushed with European victories, that assailed the South? Let England answer with a sigh; let Jackson point to their relics; while the faithful page of history records their doom! Our  naval  victories  have  been  no  less  conspicuous.    On  the  ocean  and  on  the  lakes,  our  flag  has  waved triumphant  over  Britain’s  wounded  pride,  and  expiring  naval  glory.    In  the Mediterranean,  the  brave  Decatur, and  his  gallant  fellows,  with  but  a  part  of  their  little  squadron,  have,  in  the  space  of  a  few  days,  humbled  the Dey  of  Algiers,  and  compelled  him  to  accept  a  peace  dictated  by  the  victors.    This  several  of  the  great  naval powers of Europe have frequently attempted in vain. Who, then, but with a blush can speak of the weakness of our government to withstand foreign invasion. And  has  it  not  proved  equally  adequate  to  the  suppression  of  insurrection?    Has  not  every  former  faction been  crushed  in  its  first  overt  acts  of  opposition?    And  where  is  that  most  formidable  of  all  factions,  which threatened  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union,  or  the  total  subversion  of  our  constitution  and  government?  Although it was long disseminating its poison, and originating its plans, it perished at last in embryo.  Happy for its  supporters  that  it  ended  in  resolutions  and  declamations;  for  had  their  threatened  hostilities  actually commenced, they would have been trampled in the dust by the very people that they were endeavoring to allure to ruin.2                                                 2 Referring to the Hartford Convention. I do not make  these remarks with a design  to revive and strengthen  those party prejudices, which unhappily exist  among  us,  but  to  increase  our  confidence  in  that  government  which  we  have  adopted,  and  to  excite  our energies  to  counteract  every  attempt  to  overthrow  it,  for  I  well  know  that  a  republican  government  rests, principally, on the union of the people.  A union formed and maintained, for the support of rational liberty, both civil  and  religious,  is  an  object  so  dear  to me,  that  I  have  not  failed  to  recommend  it  on  all  suitable  occasions; and hope ever to recommend it by corresponding example. I rejoice that we have been so far united, that the constitution of this, as well as that of the United States, has survived  the  violence  of  the  storm,  and  defied  the  threatening  surges  of  the  times.    When  the  citizens  of  this State saw an attempt at such an alteration  in  their constitution, as would remove  the election and accountability of  many  of  their  officers,  at  a  greater,  and  truly  dangerous  distance  from  them  –  without  distinction  of  party, they  rallied  round  the  standard of  their  liberty, and  in  the  exercise of  their  sovereignty,  secured  the happy  form and principles of a government, whose peculiar blessings they had long enjoyed.3I  am  far  from  believing  that  any  human  government  is  so  refined  as  to  admit  of  no  improvement;  yet, amendments should be made in a time of general tranquility; when the passions and prejudices of the people are at rest; when  they can enter upon  the most cool and deliberate  investigation; and  then should  they proceed with the utmost caution; for, when a right is once surrendered, it is seldom regained but by wading through scenes of blood, and even then, too frequently, the most desperate efforts are in vain.  The struggles of France, in her first revolution,  to  emancipate  herself  from  the  galling  chains  of  despotism,  are  an  awful  lesson  to  the  world;  and should  teach  us  the  danger  and  folly  of  neglecting  our  rights,  even while  in  the most  quiet  possession,  lest,  by our  supineness, we  lose  those  inestimable blessings, which we have been able  to obtain  through  the difficulties and  dangers  of  war  –  for  the  aspiring  and  ambitious  are  ever  ready  to  grasp  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the people, the moment they are within their reach. Not  having  of  late  been  engaged  in  the  business  of  legislation,  and  fearing  that  I  have  already  trespassed upon your patience, I shall not attempt, at this time, to point out such alterations and amendments in our laws as the change of times and other causes may require. The education of our youth is an object of such importance, that it cannot fail of exciting your attention, and receiving your fostering care. In  the  full  and  prosperous  tide  of  commerce,  I  trust  you will  not  neglect  our  infant manufactures, which,  if rightly improved, cannot fail to increase our wealth and real independence. I  shall  at  all  times  rely  on  your  cordial  support,  in  the  faithful  discharge  of  the  arduous  duties  that  devolve upon me.  And having endeavored to impress your minds with a due sense of the responsibility, that rests on the representatives  of  a  free  people,  I  entertain  the  highest  confidence  in  your  wisdom  and  integrity,  to  perform every  legislative duty,  and  especially  to  supply  the various offices within your  jurisdiction, by  the  appointment of  such persons as are  lovers of  justice and  suitably qualified  to  fill  their several stations so as shall conduce  to the safety and happiness of individuals, as well as the honor and interests of the State. All such communications as I may receive, for your consideration, either from the general government, from sister States, or any other source, will be seasonably laid before you. I  shall,  gentlemen,  cheerfully  concur  with  you,  in  every  measure  calculated  to  promote  the  welfare  of  our constituents; and it is my ardent desire, that a spirit of harmony may prevail among us – and that the blessing of that Supreme Being, who presides over the affairs of states and nations, may attend us in all our deliberations. JONAS GALUSHA                                                  3 The allusion here is specially to an amendment proposed by fifth Council of Censors of 1813 -14, (composed of Federalists,) that the Judges of  the Supreme Court  should hold  their office during good behavior,    though  removable by  a concurrent vote of  two  thirds of each  house  of  the  legislature.    This,  and  all  the  proposed  amendments,  the  Convention  of  1814  rejected  by  a  vast  majority.  –  See Thompson’s Vermont, Part II, p. 125.