Inaugural address of  Horace Eaton  As it appears in the  Journal  of the  House of Representatives  October Session  1846  Saturday, October 10, 1846 Inaugural Address  Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: On  assuming,  as  we  now  do,  the  guardianship  of  those  civil  interests  of  the  State  which  have,  for  a  short period, been entrusted to our care, it is proper that we should call distinctly to mind the nature and extent of the obligations  and  responsibilities  which  rest  upon  us.    We  are  but  “trustees  and  servants  of  the  people.”    And, therefore,  while  we  accept  the  trusts  which  they  have  conferred,  with  that  unfeigned  gratitude  which  the confidence  thus  reposed  in  us  so  justly  demands,  let  us  not  be  seduced  to  imagine  that  we  are  free,  in  the discharge  of  these  trusts,  to  consult  our  own  personal  benefit,  or  to  be  guided  altogether  by  our  own  personal views  and predilections.   On  the  contrary, we  should keep  it  clearly  and  constantly  in view,  that  the offices we hold are bestowed to be executed for the benefit of those who conferred them. It  is  not,  however,  sufficient  for  us  merely  to  recognize  our  responsibility  to  the  people.    We  should  also remember  that  the  civil  privileges which we  enjoy,  and  of which  the  guardianship  is  temporarily  committed  to our  hands,  are  the  gifts  of  a  gracious  and  beneficent Providence:    and  consequently,  if we  are  unfaithful  to  our trusts, we  are  not  only  treacherous  to  those who  have  confided  their  interests  to  our  care,  but we  incur  the  yet deeper guilt of ingratitude to Heaven. Let  us  then  habitually  regard  the  offices  with  which  we  have  been  entrusted,  not  only  as  obligating  us  to those who have clothed us with a brief authority, but as involving a still higher responsibility to Him who gives the privileges and blessings which we are called to guard. During  the  past  year we  have,  as  a  State  and  people,  received  from  the Great Author  of  all  good,  renewed tokens of his beneficence,  in not only preserving  to us our civil privileges, but  in granting  to us even more  than the common blessings of His Providence, in the means of personal and social enjoyment.  The earth has yielded her  increase  in more  than  ordinary  abundance:    and  our  citizens have generally been prospered  in  their various pursuits, so that industry has every where received a large reward for her toils.  No wasting sickness has visited us, but on  the contrary, even more  than wonted health has generally prevailed.   And although  the  sound of war has been heard in the distance, yet it has not excited apprehensions for our own personal security; its desolations have  not  been  felt  within  our  own  borders,  nor  have  its  sorrows,  except  in  a  few  instances,  entered  our dwellings. Perhaps  no  State  in  the  confederacy  has  been  characterized  by  greater  simplicity  in  its  legislation  and government,  than has  the State of Vermont.   The  line of policy, which  the State  seems  to have marked out, has been to govern as little as might be consistent with the proper protection of her citizens, and the advancement of their  substantial  interests.    Never  turning  coldly  away  from  the  claim  of  the  humblest  to  be  protected  in  the enjoyment  of  “life,  liberty  and  happiness,”  she  has  yet  shunned  the  opposite  error  of  legislating  for  the  benefit of  individuals  to  the  injury  of multitudes,  and  avoided  all  complicated  and  entangling  connections with  private or  local  interest.    And  while  she  has  extended  her  favoring  smiles  and  fostering  care  to  all  useful  enterprises calculated  to  promote  the  general  good,  whenever  their  successful  prosecution  required  it,  she  has  yet  never sought to assume the special and exclusive guardianship even of public and common interests, when they could be adequately sustained and promoted  in any other way.   And  this general course  is one which  sound economy and  a  regard  for  the  best  interests  of  the  people  at  large,  would,  for  reasons  sufficiently  obvious,  ever  dictate.  Let it be our purpose, then, to conform to so wise and prudent a system of policy, and aid in perpetuating it. Aside  from making  the  ordinary  annual  appointments,  your  duties  for  the  session will probably  be  few.    In the  proper  field  of  legislation,  there  is  not,  to  my  knowledge,  any  great  and  prominent  measure  of  public interest, which will demand your  attention.   Modifications of  existing  laws may,  in  some  cases, be  required,  to meet  new  features  in  our  condition,  or  to  remedy  original  defects  in  past  enactments.    Our  habits  of  rapid legislation  of  course  expose  to  the  danger  of  passing  laws  not  perfectly  matured.    Yet  this  expedition  in  the transaction  of  business  can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  a  fault,  unless  carried  to  the  extreme;  and  this  ought doubtless  to  be  guarded  against.    But  imperfections  and  errors,  whether  the  result  of  haste  or  of  changing circumstances  should  of  course  be  remedied  as  experience  and  practice  bring  them  to  light.    And  in  the  mean time,  the  recognized principle  that  laws  should be as  stable as  the changing condition and wants of society will permit,  will  doubtless  be  kept  in  view,  and  exercise  its  due  influence  in  determining  the  extent  of  our legislation. Among the subjects which may claim your attention will perhaps be that of our system of public accounting.  A confidence does not seem to be universally felt that sufficient guards have as yet been thrown around it.  If an apology could be found any where for any looseness of practice in the management of public funds, there surely can  be  none  for  it  in  Vermont.    And  it  may  be  an  appropriate  subject  for  your  inquiry,  whether  any  further provisions are necessary for securing that punctuality and fidelity in this branch of the public service, which the interest of the State requires. By  existing  laws,  however,  it  is  made  the  duty  of  the  Auditor  of  Accounts  to  report  annually  “any modifications  which  experience  shall  prove  to  be  necessary  or  expedient  in  order  to  procure  a  faithful accounting  for  all  public  funds;”  and  the  report  of  this  officer,  which  will  in  due  time  be  laid  before  you,  will give  your  inquiries,  if  in  his  opinion  there  should  be  occasion  for  any modifications,  a more  definite  direction than is here attempted or deemed necessary. The  practice  of  taking  excessive  interest  is  a wrong  against which  no  adequate  remedy  has  been  provided, although  the  attention  of  the  legislature  has  been  repeatedly  invited  and  given  to  the  subject.    Measures  have been proposed for remedying  the evil, but none so satisfactory as  to have received  the  legislative sanction.   But I  deem  the  subject  one  of  sufficient  importance  renewedly  to  claim  your  attention,  although  I  can  suggest  no better mode of guarding  against  the wrong or of obtaining  redress under  it,  than  that of  a  chancery process.    In case,  however,  this  remedy  or  any  other  should  be  fixed  upon  I  would  respectfully  suggest  the  propriety  of making  it  prospective  only  in  its  operation.    It  is  true  that  a  provision  for  a  new  and  more  effectual  mode  of recovering  back  usurious  interest,  inasmuch  as  law  was  violated  in  taking  it,  could  not  strictly  be  regarded  as attaching any new penalty to an offence after it had been committed.  But it is ever desirable to avoid disturbing past  transactions  entered  into with  due  regard  to  the  estimate which  the  law,  either  expressly  or  impliedly,  has placed upon them.  And as in this case the statute seems almost to sanction the taking of usurious interest by the utter  inadequacy  of  its  provisions  for  preventing  the  practice,  contracts,  made  under  the  law  as  it  is,  might  be regarded as having received a guarantee almost equivalent  to a pledge of public faith,  that  they should never be called  in  question.   Whether  this  view  of  the  subject,  however,  be  tenable  or  not,  it  is  believed  that  a  remedy looking only  to  the  future would be more  likely  to be  received with  favor, because awakening no apprehension that  transactions  supposed  to  be  completed were  to  be  brought  into  controversy.    If  the wrongs  of  the  past  are not redressed under this plan, it will still be no small attainment to guard against like wrongs for the future. It  is  a  matter  of  just  gratification  to  be  able  to  say  that  the  Geological  Survey  of  the  State  has  been progressing  during  the  past  season  with  a  good  degree  of  rapidity,  and  that  it  appears  to  be  accomplishing  all those useful results which were anticipated from it by the most ardent friends of the measure. The  ends  proposed  to  be  attained  by  this  survey  may  justly  be  regarded  as  of  no  insignificant  importance.  The  great  object  contemplated  was  to  present  to  the  people  of  the  State  as  much  practical  and  available information  as  possible,  in  regard  to  our  rocks,  soils,  and  mineral  products,  with  a  view  to  the  immediate benefits which would flow  to  the great  interests of agriculture and manufactures – more especially  the former – by way of diverting labor from projects and enterprises that would end in disappointment and loss, and directing it  into  proper  and  profitable  channels.  The  correction,  too,  of  injudicious  modes  of  cultivation,  tending  to gradual deterioration and ultimate exhaustion of the soil, and the substitution for them of practices and methods of management  calculated  steadily  to  fertilize  and  improve  it, while  it  should,  at  the  same  time,  be  yielding  to the  laborer  a  present  reward  – was  one  of  the modes  in which  it was believed  the benefits of  the  survey would be  realized.   And  these  benefits will  continue  to  diffuse  themselves,  and  reach  far  beyond  the  period when  the expenditure which secured them shall cease to be needed, because they rest upon the only sure foundation of all solid  and  permanent  improvement  –  that  of  increased knowledge.   They  operate  not merely  by  urging  industry to more vigorous efforts, but by guiding it in such a direction as to make its efforts most availing, with the least expenditure of sweat and toil. That agriculture  is  intrinsically an  important  interest and worthy of  legislative encouragement, so  far as  this may  be  necessary  to  sustain  it,  can  scarcely  be  questioned.    It  is  the  first  step  in  the  progress  of  society  to civilizations,  and  as  an  employment,  it  must  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all  others  that  go  to  form  the  fabric  of national  greatness  and  prosperity.    Vitally  important  then  as  the  employment  in  question  is  to  the  welfare  of humanity,  and  intimately  blended  as  its  interests  are  with  all  the  great  interests  of  an  elevated  and  advanced civilization, we might hope  that under  the conjoined aid of  theory and practice,  it would  in due  time be enabled to partake of  the certainty of  the exact  science, as well as be  ranked among  the most elevated and honorable of human pursuits. And  while  this  interest  is  confessedly  one  of  such  vast  general  importance,  it  certainly  cannot  be  doubted that  it  is essential  to  the prosperity of Vermont.   And perhaps  in no State  in  the Union  is  it more pre-eminently important that the cultivation of the soil should be conducted in accordance with sound principles in agricultural science.   The prairie  and other  alluvial  soils which  abound  in many  of  the States,  being  richly  charged with  all those various mineral elements which enter  into different vegetable products, may, even  if no correct principles of  science  are  applied  in  their  cultivation,  continue  to  yield  abundant  harvests  for  a  long  series  of  years  – although  doubtless  liable  to  the  ultimately  exhausted.    But  the  soils  of  Vermont,  chiefly  primitive  in  their character, less deep and less abounding in those ingredients essential to prolonged spontaneous fertility, require that  correct  practical  principles  be  brought  to  bear  upon  their  cultivation,  if  we  would  secure  their  increased productiveness or even save them from deterioration.  What nature, however, has not done for our State, science can do.  Let its light then be diffused, and its guidance be followed, and, under an adequate system of protection to  this  interest  in  connection  with  others,  Vermont  has  nothing  to  fear  for  her  continued  and  increasing prosperity.   Her valleys and plains will teem with unsurpassed fertility, and sheep and cattle graze, in countless thousands,  on  her  hillsides,  while  the  busy  hum  of  prosperous  industry  shall  be  heard  from  all  her  thriving villages.    And  if  the  survey,  whose  bearings  and  influence  have,  in  view  of  their  importance,  been  thus considered  at  length,  shall  aid,  as  it  is  confidently  believed  it will,  in  securing  such  results,  no  citizen  can  feel that it has been undertaken and prosecuted in vain. The contributions made by the survey to the now rapidly unfolding science of geology, and the aid afforded by  it  in solving problems of deep  interest  to  the scientific world, although  ranking as  secondary considerations, are yet in no danger of being overrated in our estimate of their importance. I am not apprised that any further appropriation will be required in order to complete satisfactorily the field-labor  of  the  survey,  unless  perchance,  on  making  up  the  final  report  it  should  be  found  that  some  facts  were wanting  to  complete  the  chain  of  evidence  in  regard  to  certain  conclusions,  so  that  some  flying  excursions should be deemed necessary to supply the deficiency.  If so, a small sum might be needed for the purpose. On  the  publication  of  the  final  report,  such  a  form  can  be  given  it,  and  such  provisions  made  for  its distribution, as may at the time be deemed desirable and expedient. The  report of  the State Superintendent of Common Schools will  immediately be  laid before you.    In  regard to that great interest of the State which forms the subject of this report, it is sufficient for me here to say, that all the beneficial purposes and  results which  it could  reasonably have been expected  should be accomplished at  so early a stage of the common school enterprize, as connected with our recently adopted system of supervision, it is believed have been fully realized.  A very laudable degree of interest for the improvement of their schools has been awakened among the people in many parts of the State; a deeper anxiety exists among teachers to secure a proper qualification for their work; and the general impulse has extended its quickening influence to the schools themselves,  imparting  to  their  pursuits  a  life  and  animation  unknown  and  unfelt  before.    And  I  cannot  forbear earnestly  to  express  my  deep  and  firm  conviction,  that  the  highest  and  best  interest  of  the  State  demands  the continued maintenance  of measures  calculated  to  elevate  the  character  of  our  common  schools,  in  view  of  the vast influence which these institutions must exert upon our unfolding and advancing destinies. The  reports  of  the  Trustees  and  Superintendent  of  the  Vermont  Asylum  for  the  Insane,  which  have  been forwarded  to me, exhibit a prosperous and  flattering condition of  that  institution.    Its buildings  recently erected are  now  completed,  so  that  ample  accommodations  are  provided  for  three  hundred  patients,  and  it  is  giving,  in the  results  of  its  operations  ample  evidence  that  the  benefactions  of  the  State  to  it  have  not  been  unworthily bestowed. During  the year  it appears  that 197 have been admitted  into  the Asylum, and 169 have been discharged.   Of those discharged, 94 had  recovered and 34 were  improved.   There are now  in  the  institution 291, of whom 123 are beneficiaries, sharing in the continued munificence of the State.  It  cannot  but  be  gratifying  to  the  friends  of  humanity  that  the  institution,  free  from  debt,  and  with accommodations  so  complete  as  it  now  possesses,  has  entered  upon  a  full  and  unembarrassed  career  of usefulness,  and  is  now,  from  week  to  week,  giving  back  to  society,  to  usefulness  and  to  happiness,  those  who had entered within its walls under the darkening of mind and soul, the propensity to mischief, and perchance the ferocity, which characterize the unhappy maniac.  Or where the cloud of darkness has settled permanently down upon  the  soul  of  the  unfortunate  inmate,  so  that  in  the  utterness  of  his mental  ruin  no  such  favorable  result,  as we have supposed, can be realized, our humanity may yet be consoled by the reflection that a refuge is afforded him  the  best  adapted  to  his  condition,  and  the  best  calculated  to  contribute  to  his  comfort  and  happiness,  that benevolence could provide or devise. But Vermont,  aside  from  the  interests which  her  domestic  policy  can  reach  and  guard,  has  others,  growing out  of  her  relations  to  the  general  government,  of  high  importance.    And  these  interests  have  been  deeply affected by the prominent measures which, during the past year, have been consummated in the Congress of the United States. Among  those  measures,  and  first  in  the  train,  is  that  by  which  the  institution  of  Slavery  has  been  so distinctly recognized as one of the elements of national policy, and adopted as one of the objects of the nation’s care.   By  thus prostituting  the nation’s power, and applying  its energies  to  the unconstitutional and unhallowed purpose  of  extending  the  limits  and  increasing  the  political  influence  of  this  institution,  the  government  has encroached upon our own just rights, as well as committed an outrage upon the moral feelings of our citizens. Against  slavery  itself,  as  a  system wrong  in practice and wrong  in principle, Vermont has  taken  the ground of  irreconcilable  hostility;  and  she  must  and  will  continue  to  maintain  it.    Educated  under  a  State  constitution which breathes the spirit of freedom in every line, her people have deeply  imbibed that spirit.  In defending and maintaining  her  position,  she  would  infringe  on  no  constitutional  rights;  she  would  dissuade  from  all  lawless violence.   Her abhorrence of slavery will manifest  itself neither  in words of  insolence, nor acts of outrage.   It  is embodied  in  a  calm,  though  stern  and  settled  purpose,  earnestly  to  advocate  the  cause  of  human  rights,  and firmly  and  fearlessly  to  resist  any encroachment upon her own.   And  this  it  is her  fixed determination  to do by what ever means she can rightfully and lawfully command. It  is  true  that  the  unjust  measure  alluded  to  has  been  consummated,  and  as  one  of  its  disastrous consequences  already  realized, we have been  involved  in  an unhappy war with  a neighboring Republic.   But  if the past is beyond retrieve, we still have duties to perform for the future. We have yet  to engage  in fresh conflicts.   The measure already consummated, we are reluctantly compelled to  believe,  is  but  one  of  a  series  of  measures  yet  impending,  designed  to  give  to  the  slave  system  still  greater influence  in  the  general  government,  and  to  secure  the  perpetuity  of  its  power.    Encouraged  by  past  success, slavery  appears  to  be  projecting  schemes  for  the  extension  of  her  domains  over  yet  wider  space,  and  for  an increase  of  the  already  disproportionate  amount  of  political  power  conceded  to  the  territory  which  has  been recently acquired. I  submit  then  the  inquiry whether  the occasion does not demand  some action on  the part of  the Legislature, at this time, by way of resisting the further progress of this dangerous and growing evil, which now threatens to absorb every other interest of the government, and to bind the nation’s energies to the unworthy and odious task of ministering to its own unholy purposes and demands. Should not  the State proclaim  to  the country  that she persists  in  the determination “to oppose  the admission into  the Union of  any State whose  constitution  tolerates domestic  slavery?”   And  should not  such  a declaration go forth accompanied with the intimation that Vermont begins  to feel,  in relation  to  this subject,  that “there  is a point beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue?”  That this ground of unyielding opposition is the ground which  right  and  justice  and  the  honor  of  the  State  require  us  to  maintain,  there  can  be  no  question.    And  we scarcely need stop to make the inquiry whether a public avowal of our position, or any other action on our part, will avail to resist the insatiable demands of slavery, and stay the part, will avail to resist the insatiable demands of  slavery,  and  stay  the  present  flood-tide  of  her  power.    It  would  stand  recorded  more  to  the  honor  of  the descendants  of  patriotic  and  worthy  sires,  that  they  earnestly  and  unwaveringly  struggled,  though  in  vain,  for the  right,  than  that  they  aided,  or  even  tamely  submitted  to,  the wrong.   And while we  are  reaping,  as we  have begun  to  do,  the  bitter  fruits  of  the measure which  has  already  been  consummated  in  defiance  of  the wishes  of Vermont,  and  in  opposition  to  her  earnest  appeals  to  national  justice  and  national magnanimity,  it  is  to  her  no source  of  regret,  but  rather  one  of  just  and  honest  pride,  that  she  remonstrated  against  the measure  in  advance, and  exerted  her  best  energies  to  prevent  its  consummation.    And  her  regrets  under  the  calamities  which  have followed the deed of wrong, may be alleviated by the reflection that they are not of her own procuring. There  is,  however,  no  occasion  to  despair  for  future  efforts.    In  the  lessons  of wisdom which  the  past may have  impressed,  and  in  the  gradual  progress  of  enlightened  views  and  just  sentiments  in  regard  to  the  intrinsic wrong of slavery and its unworthiness of a rank among the interests of the nation, we may see fair presages, for the future, of more auspicious results. Among  the  recent  measures  of  the  general  government,  Vermont  cannot  but  deeply  feel  that  of  the overthrow  of  that  system  of  protective  policy  under  which  she  had  been  enjoying  such  unwonted  prosperity.  This must be  regarded as one of  the bitter  results of  that addition, already spoken of, which has been made  to a political power  in  the government which we must  expect will ever be hostile  to  the  interests of  free  labor.   But Vermont  cannot  see  her  interests  crushed  and  her  prosperity  stayed  without  uttering  her  clear  and  deep-toned condemnation of the ruinous policy under which her prospects are thus blighted.  She has insisted, and will still insist,  upon  protection,  as  a  true  and  correct  system  of  national  policy.    Her  convictions  both  in  regard  to  its utility,  and  the obligations of  the government  to yield  to her  its benefits, have been  too  clear  to  allow her  to be shaken  in  her  belief,  or  frightened  into  quiet  submission  by  a  distinct  and  open  repudiation  of  the  protective principle. In  regard  to  the  advantages of  the  system, no proposition,  it would  seem,  could be more  clear  and palpable than  that  the  nation  which  protects  the  labor  of  its  own  population,  which  fosters  and  encourages  its  own industry  in  all  its  various  pursuits,  and  aims  in  its  whole  policy  to  secure  so  far  as  practicable  the  production, within  its  own  limits,  of    every  article  requisite  for  the  supply  of  its  own  wants,  will  be  likely  to  increase  in wealth  and  its  attendant  means  of  enjoyment  more  rapidly  than  one  which  coldly  turns  away  from  its  own industrial pursuits, withholding  its  fostering care, and pursuing a course of policy  rather  calculated  to  stimulate the  industry  of  other  countries,  by  opening  to  them  a  market  in  which  all  restrictions  against  a  ruinous competition  have  been  removed.    No  doubt  could  well  be  entertained  in  regard  to  the  result.    And  in consideration  of  the  large  proportionate  amount  of  the  products  of  a  nation’s  labor  which  is  required  for immediate  consumption,  the  effect of  adding, by  such  encouragement,  but  a  fraction  to  the  ordinary  amount  of that  labor,  is  to  add  to  its  surplus  products,  and  to  increase  a  nation’s  wealth  in  the  shape  of  permanent improvements and accumulated means of ministering  to  the higher wants,  in a much greater proportion  than, at a hasty glance, would be apparent. But  no  argument  or  theory  could  be  needed  when  we  have  such  ample  evidence  upon  the  point  in  our experience  under  the  protective  tariff  of  1842.   A  general  prosperity,  before  unknown,  here  exhibits  itself,  and asserts, in unequivocal language, the wisdom and beneficence of the policy embodied in that measure.  Under it, industry  has  been  reaping,  in  every  department  of  labor,  a  competent  and  sure  reward  for  her  toils;  and  an increase of the comforts of life among all classes has been so palpably and so universally apparent that the least observant could not fail to perceive it, nor could the hardiest dare to deny its reality.  And why has a blight been wantonly thrown over this cheerful and gratifying prospect? To deny to the Congress of the United States the right, in levying duties upon imports, to discriminate, in the adjustment of those duties, for the specific and distinct purpose of protecting such useful branches of industry as may  require  this protection  in order  to  ensure  their prosperity,  is not only  to deny  to  it  a  right  inherent  in  every government, but  to  repudiate one of  the  leading purposes  and  ends  for which  the  confederacy was  formed,  and to  discharge  it  from  one  of  its  highest  and  most  sacred  obligations.    Vermont  will  denounce  the  doctrine whenever  she  meets  it,  that  any  government  in  which  she  is  concerned  was  instituted  to  provide  for  its  own wants,  while  the  interests  of  the  people  were  to  be  regarded  as  beyond  the  scope  of  its  purposes.    Indeed,  the heretical  proposition  bears  upon  its  face  the  stamp  of  its  own  absurdity.    Yet  this  regard  for  the  industrial interests of the country, which we ask of the government, is in no practical shape incompatible with a provision for its own distinct wants. We are content that Congress should impose such an amount of duties, and such only, as  will  raise  a  sufficient  revenue  to  meet  the  expenditures  of  the  general  government,  while  we  insist  that discriminations  be  made  for  the  distinct  and  prominent  purpose  of  granting  protection  wherever  it  is  needed.  Let  the  relative  scale  of  duties  be  fixed  in  accordance  with  this  principle,  and  the  absolute  rate  we  cheerfully leave to be determined by the necessities of the case. The  rejoicing  in  foreign  lands, which  has  been  elicited  under  the  assumption  that  “henceforth  the  principle of  duties  for  protection  must  be  considered  as  abandoned  in  the  United  States,”  is  not  without  sufficient occasion,  if  this  abandonment  is,  in  truth,  destined  to  be  perpetual.    Under  it,  we  surrender  to  be  shared  with other nations, no  small portion of  the benefits  justly accruing  to us  from  the  industrious  and  enterprising habits of our population – dividing the fruits of a toil which in the other wise favorable circumstances under which it is bestowed,  ought  to  raise us  above  the  common  lot of humanity  in  the  enjoyment of  the  comforts  and blessings of life. It  cannot  however  be  supposed,  that  those who  advocate  and  sustain  the  free  trade  policy,  contemplate  this result  as  a primary  and direct object of pursuit.   But  the  important    consideration  that  this policy benefits other lands  at  the  expense  of  our  own,  is  overlooked  by  the  supporters  of  the  system  in  their  earnest  desire  to accomplish coincident purposes of their own, or purposes at best of local and limited utility, to the attainment of which they are ready to sacrifice the welfare of the country. But whatever be  the motive which prompts  to  this cold desertion of  the  interests of  the country, or  rather  to the unnatural warfare which  is waged against  them, Vermont will  raise her voice and exert her energies against such  an  unjust  and  heartless  policy  as  has  now  gained  the  ascendancy,  until  she  sees  the  restoration  of  that system of protection to American industry which the “Fathers of the Republic” adopted without misgivings, and pursued  without  wavering.    Her  confidence  that  success  will  finally  crown  her  efforts  is  founded  upon  her strong  conviction  that  the policy of which  she demands  the  adoption,  is not merely  a  local but national policy, and  that  hence  she  cannot  want  for  aid  in  the  re-establishment  of  a  system  so  benign  in  its  operations,  and  so vitally essential to her own and the general welfare. Whether  any  specific  action  is  requisite  in  regard  to  this  important  subject,  or  to  others  not  adverted  to,  in which our  interests are  involved by our connection with  the general government,  is cheerfully confided  to your decision , to be determined by your own judgment in regard to what the interest of the State may demand. Permit  me  to  assure  you  that  I  shall  cordially  cooperate  in  all  your  measures  designed  to  promote  the welfare and prosperity of our people.  And in the discharge of all our official duties, may we be guided by such motives,  and  be  enlightened with  such wisdom,  that, with  the  divine  blessing  to  crown  our  efforts,  none  of  the great interests of the State – her industry, education, morals, or religion – shall suffer at our hands.  } EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,  Montpelier, October 10th, 1846 HORACE EATON