Inaugural address  of  Charles K. Williams  As it appears in the  Journal  of the  House of Representatives  October Session   1850  Saturday, October 12, 1850 Inaugural Address  Fellow – Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: Elected  by  the  voice  of  the  people  to  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  State,  I  enter  upon  the  duties appertaining thereto, with a fearful mistrust of my competency to discharge them in an acceptable manner.  But ever  accustomed  to  respect  that  voice,  regarding  the  confidence  and  approbation  of  the  people  as  the  highest honor  to  which  any  individual  can  attain  and  having  in  repeated  instances  experienced  their  partiality  and friendship,  I  shall  obey  their  high  commands,  and  commence  the  duties  attached  to  the  responsible  situation  in which  their  suffrages  have  placed  me,  trusting  that  they  will  duly  appreciate  an  honest  and  conscientious endeavor  to  perform  them,  and  that  they will with  charity  and  candor  veil  any  imperfections  and  unintentional errors and mistakes which I may commit.  When  I call  to mind  the distinguished  individuals who have heretofore been placed  in  this office; and more particularly when  I  reflect  upon  the  dignified,  able  and  honorable manner  in which my  immediate  predecessor has  discharged  the  duties  thereof,  I  feel  that  I  shall  have  to  draw  largely  upon  that  charity  and  candor,  and  can only  indulge  the  hope,  but  without  any  confident  expectation,  that  I  shall  be  able  to  leave  the  office  with  the same reputation which they have carried with them on their retirement. The  first  obligation  imposed  on  the Executive  by  the  constitution,  is  to meet with  the General Assembly  at the  time  and  place  where  they  are  required  to  meet  by  the  constitution  and  laws.    It  is  with  pleasure  that  I perform  this  obligation,  and meet  you  at  this  time  and on  this  occasion.   The  assembling  of  the  representatives of  the  people  in  their  legislative  capacity,  to  consult  for  the welfare  and  advance  the  happiness  of  those whom they  represent,  is  interesting,  as  exhibiting  the  beauty  and  unostentatious  character  of  our  republican institutions,  and  important,  as  upon  the  wisdom  and  integrity  of  their  measures  that  welfare  in  a  great  degree depends.    Identical  in  interest  and  feeling with  the  great  body  of  their  constituents,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  they will bring with them the best intentions; that they will be actuated by a sincere desire to promote the interests of the whole  as well  as  that  of  every  individual,  so  far  as  the  latter  is  consistent with  the  former;  be  governed  by the  highest  principles  of  reason,  virtue  and  morality;  and,  above  all,  that  in  consulting  for  the  welfare  of  a Christian  people, we  shall  all  earnestly  endeavor  to  conform  to  the  rules  of  Christian morals,  and  look  to Him for  guidance,  who  holds  the  destiny  of  nations  in  His  hands,  and  by  whom  “kings  reign  and  princes  decree justice.” Having  but  little  practical  experience  in  the  business  of  legislation,  it  cannot  be  expected  that  in  my  first annual  message  I  should  call  your  attention  to  many  subjects  which  may  be  proper  for  your  consideration.  Fortunately,  so  little  legislation  is  necessary  for  the  interest  of  this  State,  and  with  that  interest  the  reflecting men  are  so  familiar,  that  I  apprehend  no  inconvenience  from my want  of  experience;  and  further,  it  is  a highly consolatory  reflection,  that whatever difference of opinion  there may be on other  subjects, a great unanimity of sentiment  exists  in what  relates  to  the  prosperity  of  this  State.    It  is  not  to  be  expected,  however,  that  even  on this there should be an entire coincidence of views; and on other important subjects, arising from our connection with other State’s under one general government, we know  there  is  a great  diversity  of  sentiment.   Freedom  of investigation and discussion, which is necessary under our free institutions, to enable men to understand what is required of  them, unavoidably  leads  to  the  formation of parties.    It  is not  in human nature  that  the minds of all, although aiming  to attain  the same end, should arrive at  the same  result, or agree  in  the measures  to be adopted for  its  attainment.  The  existence  of  parties,  arising  from  a  difference  of  views  honestly  entertained,  is  not without  its  benefits  as  well  as  its  evils.    If  parties  exercise  a  watchfulness  over  each  other,  and  a  scrutinizing jealousy of the measure proposed by each, it will lead to a careful and cautious investigation of those proposed, before they will be adopted.  Thus far parties exercise a beneficial influence; but when there is an indiscriminate opposition  by  one  to  all  those  proposed  by  the  other,  and  they  are  influenced  by  ambition,  and  seek  only  the attainment  of  individual  emolument,  they  prevent  or  retard  the  adoption  of  such  salutary  measures  as  the general  welfare  may  require,  endanger  the  principles  of  civil  liberty,  and  by  their  excess  and  violence approximate  to  the  very  verge  of  civil  war.    At  such  times  the  spirit  of  party  may  truly  be  considered  as  the spirit  of  discord,  faction  and  disunion.    The  lesson  inculcated  by  this  view  of  the  nature  and  effect  of  parties cannot be misunderstood.  It teaches us that we should investigate with calmness and candor, cultivate a spirit of conciliation and charity towards those who differ from us, yielding all due respect to the opinions of others, and the  integrity of  their motives, unless  it  is plain and palpable  that  they proceed  from a perverse disposition.   But this  spirit  of  charity  and  conciliation  does  not  require  either  of  individuals  or  states  to  abandon  their  own interest, nor can they be justified in yielding any moral principle, or in giving countenance to any great political or  moral  evil,  to  appease  those  who  oppose  them.    In  political  or  Christian  ethics  there  should  be  no compromise with vice, and no conciliation offered to fundamental error or gross iniquity. The subject of education pointedly and forcibly presents  itself  to  the consideration of every friend of  liberty and humanity.  At no previous period has it so much occupied the attention of all classes of community, both in this country and  in Europe.   The wise and  intelligent see  the  importance of giving an early  impulse  to  the mind in  favor  of  science,  virtue  and  religion.    The  wild  and  absurd  theories  of  many  of  the  radical  reformers  are frequently the result of reflections upon evils existing and apparent, and of mistaken and injudicious attempts to reform  them.   They  see, what  should be obvious  to all,  that  there  is a great neglect  to provide  for  the mental as well as the physical wants of the great masses of men, and, as an unavoidable result, ignorance, vice, oppression and wretchedness are too prevalent.  It is the plain duty of government to provide for the education of the whole body  of  the  people,  from whom  their  future  legislators  and magistrates  are  to  be  chosen,  and  so  to  provide  for education  in  the  primary  schools  that  all may  be  fitted  to  perform  the  duties which may  ordinarily  be  expected from them, and may lay the foundation of higher and more extensive attainments in literature and the principles of  political  science.    This  subject  has  been  so  repeatedly  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  legislature  that  I  cannot entertain  a  doubt  but  that  they  will  give  it  due  consideration;  that  our  schools,  academics  and  colleges  will receive all  the patronage and encouragement which can be extended  to  them by an enlightened  legislature; and, above all, that they will guard against unsteadiness in their legislation upon this subject, persevere in the system which  they  have  adopted,  make  such  alterations  only  as  experience  demonstrates  to  be  necessary  to  improve and  perfect  the  system.    If  it  does  not  at  once  produce  all  the  benefits  expected,  make  still  further  trials  and improvements, and not abandon it, unless it shall be found incapable of further amendments and undeserving of further  trial.    The  report  of  the  able  and  efficient  superintendent will  probably  suggest  further  and  other  views on this subject. I trust that it will not be thought inappropriate for me to advert to the state of the militia.  When I first came into public life, the danger to be apprehended from standing armies, the importance of placing our reliance upon a well-regulated militia composed of our  fellow-citizens, and  the necessity of  such a militia  to  the  security of a free state, were political axioms recognized by all, and were embodied in the organic laws both of this State and of  the  United  States.    On  this  account  I  may  attach  more  consequence  to  this  subject  than  is  congenial  to  the times  in  which  we  live.    The  interest  of  the  militia,  after  receiving  a  great  share  of  the  attention  of  former legislatures,  was  suddenly  abandoned.    It  is  worthy  of  consideration  whether,  as  the  militia  laws  are  now  left, we  have  not  disregarded  the  laws  of  the  United  States  in  suffering  the  organization  and  discipline  required  by those  laws  to  be  entirely  neglected.    From  the  return  of  the Adjutant-General made  last  year,  it  appears  that  in the boundaries of many regiments we soon shall have, and in some already have, a full complement of field and regimental  staff  officers, but no  companies or  company officers.   Although  it may not be  considered  expedient to revive the frequent training of the militia, or the parades, which were considered by some as ostentatious and expensive;  yet  an  organization  conformable  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  into  companies,  regiments, brigades  and  divisions,  and  a  requirement  that  arms  should  be  provided,  and  for  the  annual  inspection  of  those arms, appears  to me  to be required by  the  laws of  the United States.   A reliance upon  the uniform militia alone, and not on the whole body of citizens enrolled according to law, does not seem to answer the requirement. The necessity of a strict and rigid economy, in the disbursements of the finances of the State, is too obvious to  require  a  particular  notice.    Our  resources  are  mostly  derived  by  a  direct  tax  on  the  people;  we  are  only stewards of the public funds, and are not at liberty to use them for the gratification of our friends, or to promote any  selfish  views.    An  extravagant  and  wasteful  expenditure  of  the  public  money  is  an  evil  to  which  all governments,  of  whatever  form,  are  exposed.    These  remarks  I  am  sensible  are  somewhat  trite,  and  have  so often  been  made  and  disregarded,  that  any  one  who  repeats  them  hazards  his  reputation  for  political  sagacity, and  exposes  himself  to  insinuations  unfavorable  to  his  sincerity  and  patriotism.   When  I  reflect  upon  the  great increase of  the  expenditures of  this State  since  I  first commenced public  life,  altogether disproportionate  to  the increased  population  and  business;  and  when  I  compare  them  with  the  expenses  of  other  States  in  the  Union, and find how small a part of our expenditures are paid in salaries, to those who are called into public service and are entitled by  the principles of  the constitution  to a  reasonable compensation; and  inasmuch as  the attention of the Legislature was called but a  few years since  to  this subject by one of my predecessors; and more especially by the Council of Censors, whose duty it is “to inquire in what manner the public money has been disposed of,” I thought it not improper or unsuitable to bring it to your notice in the annual message, and shall dismiss it with this remark, that no reform should be attempted unless called for by the public good, nor until the whole subject is  fully  and  thoroughly  considered,  lest  by  partial  attempts,  not  duly  reflected  upon,  the  evil  should  be aggravated and not remedied. The  taxing wild  and  uncultivated  land,  as well  as  the  practice which  has  prevailed  in  the  legislature,  in  the repeal,  alteration or modification of  acts, or parts of  acts, by  a mere  reference  to  the number of  the chapter and section, without any mention of  the subject or nature of  the provision repealed, altered or modified, were under the  consideration  of  the  Council  of  Censors,  and  particularly  noticed  in  their  address  to  the  people.    For  this reason,  I  deem  it  proper  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  to  the  subject,  and  would  refer  them  to  the address of the Council of Censors for the views entertained by them.  The General Government  not  having  thought  proper  to  perform  their  fiscal  operations  through  the medium of  a  bank  created  under  their  authority,  after  such  an  institution  had  been  in  operation  for  a  long  time,  and  had received  the  countenance  and  sanction  of  every  branch  of  the  government,  and  having  resorted  to  a  system  for collecting  the revenue and  the safe keeping of  the same,  the utility of which remains yet  to be  tested, but which does  not  afford  any  circulating  medium,  the  business  of  providing  a  currency,  and  aiding  the  agricultural, manufacturing and commercial  interests of  the people by  the establishment of banks, devolved upon  the States.  This  State  has  found  it  to  be  convenient  and  useful,  and  I  may  add  necessary,  to  establish  such  institutions, under  suitable  regulations,  in  such  numbers  and  at  such  palaces  as  the  convenience  and  interest  of  the community might  require.   These banks have performed  their duty with  fidelity, and have greatly aided private enterprise,  and  in  works  of  public  improvement.    They  will  undoubtedly  receive,  as  they  justly  deserve,  the countenance of the legislature, and not be embarrassed with hostile legislation. It  may  be  said  of  our  railroads,  constructed  by  private  enterprise  and  the  capital  of  individuals,  that  the public  are  experiencing  largely  the  benefits  afforded  to  all  the  important  interests  of  the  State  by  that  capital, and the unparalleled energy and industry which have been displayed in their construction.  It is to be hoped that those who have hazarded their wealth, and given their whole time and energies to these great undertakings, will find their reward in the profits of their capital and labor, to which they are justly entitled, and will receive amply the countenance and patronage of an intelligent legislature and high-minded people. Since  the  last  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly,  several  important  amendments  to  the  Constitution, recommended by  the Council of Censors, have been adopted by  a  convention of  the people,  and become  a part of the organic law of the State.   Some additional legislation may be found necessary to extend the provisions of the  law  in  relation  to  elections,  so  as  to  embrace  the  election  of  the  several  officers  which  are  hereafter  to  be made  in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution  as  amended.    Some  further  provision  is  also  required  in  relation  to  the security  to be given by sheriffs and high bailiffs.   The legislature are also required to “provide by a general  law declaring what officer  shall  act  as Governor when  there  shall be  a vacancy,  in both  the offices of governor  and Lieutenant Governor,” occasioned in any of the ways mentioned in the amended constitution. It will probably shorten your session, and relieve you from an exciting duty, that the appointment of several officers which has heretofore been made by the legislature is now made by the people, as it was done under the provisions of the first Constitution of this State. The term of office of one of our Senators in Congress will expire on the third of March next:  it is incumbent on the legislature to elect a Senator to represent this State of six years from and after that time. I am  informed by my predecessor, and communicate  the  information  to  the  legislature,  that under  the act of 1849,  entitled  an  act  relating  to  international,  literary  and  scientific  exchanges,  he  has  appointed  Mons.  A. Vattemare and George F. Houghton, agents; and that under the act making an appropriation for the Washington Monument, he constituted Henry Stanley of Poultney, agent. In  our  connection  with  other  States  under  one  general  government,  we  have  a  variety  of    interests  to  be promoted,  which,  although  they  cannot  be  the  subject  of  immediate  legislation  by  us  may  be  affected  in  a greater  or  less  degree  by  our  action.    Our  agricultural  and  manufacturing  interests  should  be  patronized  and protected.    The  business  of  the  latter  is  subject  to more  vicissitudes  than  the  former,  and  is  the  first  to  feel  the effects  of  uncertain  and  injudicious  legislation.    As  capital,  as  well  as  labor,  are  required  for  the  successful operation  of manufactures,  they  should  received  an  adequate  protection  against  foreign  capital  and  labor.    It  is to be hoped that this protection will be again afforded.  Although a political necessity may have justified the act of Congress  of  1833, which,  apparently,  recognized  a  system  of  ad  valorem  duties,  to  be  thereafter  adhered  to, yet,  after  the  experience  we  have  had  under  the  present  tariff  of  1846,  the  necessity  of  again  resorting  to  a system  of  specific  and  protecting  duties  is  apparent, which  both wisdom  and  experience  demonstrate  to  be  the only  safeguard  against  fraudulent  importations.    The  increase  of  the  agricultural  interest  in  wealth,  and  the improvement in their farms and flocks, may be attributed to the protection which was heretofore afforded them.  With us, at least, there should be no diversity of thought or action on the subject of a protective tariff. The  establishment  of  an  Agricultural  Bureau,  to  be  connected  with  the  Department  of  the  Interior, recommended  by  the General Assembly  at  our  last  session,  as well  as  a  revision  of  the  existing  tariff,  so  as  to give  due  encouragement  to  manufactures  and  a  new  and  increased  stimulus  to  agriculture  by  a  system  of specific duties, was strongly urged upon  the consideration of Congress by  the President of  the United States,  in his  annual  message  in  December  last.    The  lucid  reports  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Interior  and  the  Treasury, accompanying  the  message  of  the  President,  pointed  out  more  in  detail  the  measures  to  be  adopted  and  the benefit  to  be  derived,  and  placed  beyond  cavil  or  dispute  the  wisdom  and  propriety  of  the  recommendation  of the President.   The  just  expectations of  the  country on  this  subject have not been  realized.   Owing  to  a want of coincidence  of  sentiment  between  the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of  government,  in  their  views  of general  policy  of  the  former,  a  long  and  profitless  session  of  Congress  has  been  spent  in  the  attempt  to compromise that which is not the subject of compromise, and to conciliate where conciliation was not due.  The great and substantial  interests of agriculture, commerce and manufactures, have been neglected and unprovided for,  and  the  recommendation  of  the  President  received  but  little,  if  any,  attention  from  Congress  or  the committees  to whom  the  subject was  referred.   We  cannot  but  hope  that  at  another  session  of Congress  such  a tariff will  be  adopted  as will  answer  the  reasonable  expectation  of  the manufacturer  and  producer.   Those who feel  the necessity of such a protection, having seen no good effects  from  the compromise heretofore made with those  who  threatened  an  armed  resistance,  should  hesitate  before  they  again  yield  to  threats  of  a  similar character,  as  they  might  thereby  disaffect  those  who  feel  a  deep  interest  with  them,  and  can  have  but  little expectation of gaining to their interest those who have ever been hostile. There  is  another  subject,  affecting  us  sensibly  in  our  connection  with  the  other  States,  in  a  great  degree influencing the action of the general government, which I should gladly have omitted at this time, as I believe a large proportion of our  fellow-citizens coincide  in opinion  in  relation  to  involuntary  servitude.   But  the attitude assumed  by  some  of  the  States,  and  the  conventions  of  the  people  under  their  authority,  threatening  a dissolution  of  the  Union  unless  their  views  are  acceded  to  by  congress;  as  the  proceedings  of  this  State  have been  treated with disrespect  and  reproach,  in places   where  respect  to  the proceedings of  every  sovereign State should  be  studiously  observed;  and  as  there  has  been  some  disposition  to  find  an  apology  for  their  violent proceedings, in consequence of the action which those who are opposed to involuntary servitude have thought it their  duty  to  take,  it  becomes  us  to  review  the  ground  we  have  assumed,  and  the  resolutions  we  have  passed, abandon  them  if we are wrong, but  if we are right, decidedly and resolutely maintain  that ground.   On a careful review  of  the  proceedings  of  the  legislature  heretofore,  I  can  see  no  principle  advanced  which  ought  to  be abandoned or yielded either, to menace or a desire for conciliation.  The legality of the existence of slavery and the  duty  of  abolishing  it,  is  not  a  new  question  in  political  history.   Neither  in Great Britain  or  France  has  any difficulty been found  in abolishing  it, or  in  the consequences emanating from such an act.   The courts of  law  in Great  Britain  long  since  held  that  it  could  have  no  legitimate  existence  in  that  country.    In  Parliament  every argument of expediency, the claims of vested rights, of the rights to property, and even the authority of the Holy Scriptures were urged by the West India planters and the mercantile interest connected with them, in favor of its continuance  in  their  colonies,  and  were  urged  in  vain.    Their  arguments  were  effectually  silenced  by  the most eminent  statesmen  and by  the prelates of  their Church,  and  in  language,  too, which  in  this  country  is  treated  as ultra  and  fanatical.   The  language  of  our Declaration  of  Independence, when  incorporated  into  a  declaration  of rights  in  the  constitution of  a neighboring State, was held by  the  learned  judicial  tribunals of  that State  to have immediately effected the abolition of slavery in that State.  It is not contended by any one that a law enacted by the legislature of any State on this subject can have any operation beyond its territorial limits.  The extent of the powers  of  the  general  government may  admit  of more  doubt.    I  am  not  disposed  to  discuss  this  question,  or  at this time to attempt to define the limits of their constitutional powers, within which they are restrained, and will only  observe,  that  a  more  limited  construction  of  the  powers    of  congress  than  was  exercised  by  them  in  the incorporation of Texas with  the United States, or  in passing  the  late action  in relation  to persons held  to service in  one  State  and  escaping  into  another,  would  give  to  the  general  government  all  the  authority  on  this  subject which the most ardent friend of freedom could desire. I  have  no  means  of  knowing  how  far  the  late  action  of  Congress  upon  the  several  matters  connected  with slavery, is satisfactory to a majority of the people of this State; all of those measures did not receive the sanction of  the  vote  of  their  representatives.    If  it  lead  to  a  more  thorough  investigation  of  the  powers  of  the  General Government,  and  to  an  inquiry,  what  rights  are  secured,  and  what  duties  enjoined,  it  may  be  productive  of useful  results.    At  any  rate  it  will  tend  to  a  determination  to  exercise  whatever  authority  may  yet  be  left,  to protect  liberty  and  freedom.    The  people  of  Vermont  will,  as  they  always  have  done,  yield  due  submission  to whatever a majority within their appropriate limits may enact, and will resort to no threats of hostile opposition; but when the time and opportunity shall arrive, that they can, in unison with a majority of the people and States in Congress, exercise any legitimate authority on this subject, they will be found the uncompromising enemy of any  and  every  attempt  to  uphold,  extend  or  continue  a  system,  so  uncongenial  to  the  spirit  of  our  republican institutions, and so abhorrent to the principles of Christianity.  I will only add, that for myself I cannot assent to the  proposition, which  has  sometimes  been  advanced,  that  any  State may  establish  slavery where  it  is  not  now recognized,  or  that  it  was  among  the  enumerated  powers  of  Congress  to  impose  any  obligation  on  their successors, to admit any State thereafter without such restrictions as they might think proper.  Any such attempt of  the  law-making  power,  must  be  considered  as  an  encroachment  on  the  rights  of  their  successors,  and  an interference with the duty of making treaties, which are to be the supreme law of the land. My opinions on  these subjects are probably well known  to my  fellow citizens;  they have been  formed upon careful and deliberate  inquiry, have been  thus  frankly and  fearlessly expressed, and will  influence me  in all my public  relations.    It  is  not  for me  to  say,  how  far  they  are  the  opinions  of  others;  I  profess  not  to  speak,  in  this matter,  in  the  name  of  any  party  or  class  of my  fellow  citizens.   The  great  body  of  the  people  read,  reflect  and decide  for  themselves,  and  will  undoubtedly  ultimately  act  together  on  all  the  important  subjects  which  affect the  general  welfare,  and  on  this  one  in  particular.    I  have  the  highest  respect  for  the  opinion  of  those  who entertain  different  views,  and  whose  convictions  or  duty  are  not  the  same  as  mine;  and  can  cheerfully  and cordially cooperate with them, in any measures to promote the interest and happiness of our common country.  I should  be wanting  in  that  indulgence, which  I  claim  for my  own  opinions,  if  I  should, on  that  account, distrust their integrity or endeavor to cast reproach upon their motives. I  have  no  fears  that  any  action  of  the General Government within  their  constitutional  limits,  on  this  or  any other subject, will in any way endanger the existence of the Union, or produce any dangerous collision between the  General  Government  and  that  of  any  of  the  States.    A  more  peaceable  method  is  provided  to  settle  any controversies between them.  We have no reason to believe that any considerable portion of our fellow citizens, or any single State or any number combined, will incur the hazard of a treasonable opposition to the laws of the United States, without any prospect of success,  in a cause where  they cannot expect  the sympathy or assistance of  any  part  of  the  civilized  world,  and  when  either  success  of  defeat  must  be  alike  fatal  to  the  institutions  to which they so pertinaciously adhere. Whatever may  be  the  destiny  of  this  confederate  republic  hereafter,  I  trust  I may  say with  confidence,  that the people of  the State of Vermont,  the  first  to obtain  admission  into  the Union, will be  among  the  foremost  in their attachment to the cause of civil liberty and freedom, and in their determination to maintain the integrity of the Union;  and  the  last  to  countenance,  extenuate or  apologise,  for  a  spirit of  treasonable disunion or  rebellion, against the authority of the United States. I have received from my predecessor communications from several of the States, which will, at an early day, be  transmitted  to  you.    Among  these,  is  a  communication  from  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  returning  the resolutions  of  the  Legislature  of  this  State,  transmitted  to  him  at  their  request.    It  will  be  recollected,  that  a similar  proceeding was  had  by  the  state  of Virginia,  a  few  years  since.   Accompanying  this  communication  of the  Governor  of  Virginia,  is  a  copy  of  a  resolution  of  their  General  Assembly,  requesting  that  the  resolution from  the  State  of  Vermont  “be  returned  to  the  Governor  of  Vermont,  and  that  the  Governor  of  Vermont  be informed that the Legislature of Virginia understand their constitutional rights, and mean to defend them.”  How far  such  a  resolution  comports  with  the  dignity  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  I  am  not  disposed  to  inquire,  and  it cannot be determined by comparison, as no similar resolution from any other State has ever been received.  That it illy accords with the respect and courtesy due from one State to another, in the intercourse between sovereign States  is apparent.   The surprise at receiving such a communication  is diminished by  the reflection,  that ancient states,  like  ancient  families,  when  in  the  course  of  events  they  cease  to  be  first,  and  thereby  their  dignity  and importance  is  impaired,  are  apt  to  betray  a  spirit  of  haughtiness,  and  treat  with  contumely  those  who,  in  the same course of events, are elevated to an equality with them. I should do injustice to my own feelings, if I omitted to advert to the late striking and afflicting dispensation of  the Almighty,  in  the death of him, who  had been  elevated  to  the high  and  exalted  station of President of  the United  States.    The  unanimity  with  which  all  classes  paid  homage  to  his  integrity  and  honesty  of  purpose,  his attachment  to  the  interests  of  his  country,  his  elevated  patriotism,  his  energy  of  character,  and  his  splendid achievements, plainly evince that the confidence reposed in him by the people was not misplaced.  This striking event should teach us the nothingness of all earthly splendor and greatness, and should admonish those who are in the service of their country, so to perform what is required of them, that in their last moments they may have the consolation of being able to say, as he said, “I have always done my duty – I am ready to die.” Permit  me  to  assure  you  of  my  cordial  co-operation  with  you,  in  all  your  endeavors  to  advance  the  public welfare and the happiness of the people, and to express the hope, that under the guidance, and with the blessing of  that  Almighty  Being,  who  has  hitherto  been  our  Preserver  and  Protector,  we  may  be  led  to  the  adoption  of such measures, and  such only, as will promote  the peace, and  increase  the happiness of  the people of  this State and of the United States.       Montpelier Oct. 12, 1850.   }           Executive Chamber, CH. K. WILLIAMS.