Inaugural address of  William Slade  As it appears in the  Journal  of the  House of Representatives  October Session   1844    Friday, October 11, 1844   Fellow Citizens of the Senate  and House of Representatives:  We  are  assembled  in  the  character  of  Representatives  of  the  people,  to  consult  upon  their  interests,  and  to execute their will.  It becomes us, on entering upon our duties, first of all to carry our minds up to the Author of our being; to acknowledge Him as the rightful source of our authority, and to make his will the measure and the motive  of  our  duty.    If,  in  all  our  ways,  we  should  acknowledge  Him,  we  should  especially  do  so,    upon becoming  invested  with  powers,  whose  appropriate  exercise  requires,  eminently,  the  wisdom  that  comes  from above.  Our responsibility is, immediately, to the people whose servants we are, but ultimately, to Him who will judge both the people and us. We come together under circumstances of peculiar favor.  The season has been crowned with blessing.  Our fields  have  yielded  an  abundant  harvest,  and  our  people  have  been  exempted  from wasting  disease.   Labor  has been  protected  and  rewarded;  and  peace  reigns  within  our  borders.    We  are  blessed  with  the  steady  and impartial  administration  of  justice,  and  continue  to  enjoy  the  invaluable  privilege  of  selecting,  by  our  free suffrages, those who shall make and execute our laws. Among  the  first  duties  you  will  be  called  to  perform,  is  that  of  selecting  men  to  fill  the  judicial  and executive offices of  the government, which  the constitution has wisely committed  to your hands.   From among such  a  people  as  this,  there  can  be  no  difficult  in  selecting  men  of  upright  minds,  of  pure  morals,  of  tried integrity  and  of  sound  intelligence,  to  fill  the  various within  your  gist.    The  power  of  office,  and  the  power  of personal  example  and  influence,  can  never  be  separated;  and  he  bears  the  sword  of  justice  in  vain,  who counteracts by the one, what he endeavors to enforce by the other. But your principal labor lies in the broad field of legislation.  We are selected and sent here, from among the people; with whose wishes and interests we ought to be thoroughly acquainted, and whose welfare should be the end  and  aim  of  our  legislation.    The  government  which,  by  their  suffrages,  has  been  committed  to  us,  is  their government—“instituted,” in the language of our bill of rights, “for the common benefit, protection and security of the people, and not for the particular emolument or advantage of any single man, family, or set of men.”  The highest good of the people, and of all the people, therefore, it is our great business to secure.  The establishment of justice, in the perfect protection of rights, is the primary end of government, and, in its broad  and  comprehensive  bearings,  embraces  a  very  large  portion  of  all  appropriate  legislation.   But  there  is  a field beyond  this.   The beneficent action of government may, and ought  to be  felt  in  the promotion of virtue,  in the  suppression  of  vice,  in  the  diffusion  of  intelligence,  in  the  development  of  mind,  in  the  encouragement  of industry, and in the drawing forth from the earth, which God has given for our temporary habitation, its teeming riches, to make them subservient to the purposes of their gift, in the wisdom and goodness of their great Author.  In  short,  it  is  the  duty  of  government  to  perfect  by  wise,  discreet  and  timely  action,  the  great  purposes  of  the social organization. In surveying the field of our duties, there would seem to be no subject claiming higher attention than that of Education.    This  subject  has  been  repeatedly  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  Legislature  by my  predecessors,  and several  legislative  reports  have  been  made  upon  it.      The  result  of  a  report  made  in  the  year  1841,  was,  the appointment  by  the  Governor,  of  a  committee,  who  presented  to  the  legislature,  at  the  following  session,  an elaborate  and  able  report,  containing  facts and  suggestions of great  importance.    I commend  that  report  to your consideration. Improvement  is  the  great  law  of  our  individual  and  social  existence.—The  means  of  it  are  furnished,  in  a greater  or  less  degree,  to  all;  and  all,  whether  individuals  or  communities,  are  accountable  for  the  right improvement of them.  This accountability rests, with peculiar weight upon us, in connexion with the subject of education—vitally  connected,  as  it  is,  not  only  with  our  individual  well  being,  but  with  the  preservation  and perpetuity  of  the  institutions  we  are  permitted  to  enjoy,  and  required  to  transmit  to  our  children.    These institutions  will,  inevitably,  take  the  character  of  the  people,  whatever  that  character  may  be.    The  best constitutions  of  government  can  interpose  but  a  feeble  barrier  to  the  corrupting  influences  of  ignorance  and moral debasement.   Their beautiful  and  solid  structures will  sink  and  crumble, when  they  shall  cease  to  rest on the foundations of public and private virtue and universal intelligence.  This  obvious  truth  is  full  of  instruction  to  those  upon whom  rests  the  responsibility  of making  laws.   Their duty  is  but  half  performed  when  they  have  made  laws  to  govern  the  people.    It  is  a  higher  and  more  difficult duty  to  adopt  a  system  of  legislation  which  shall  have  the  effect  of  making  the  people  a  law,  and  a  good  and safe law, to themselves.  The most efficient laws are those which govern, not by the power of the sword, but by the silent  influence of virtuous and enlightened principle.   To educate a people,  then, becomes an  indispensable part  of  legislation—an  appropriate  and  necessary  instrument  for  executing  the  laws—an  instrument  far  more efficient  than  the  strongest  military  force;  while  at  the  same  time,  it  gives  to  a  State  high-minded,  virtuous, intelligent men, to become its strength, its defense, and its glory.   But what is education?  It is not merely the learning which lumbers the brain.  It is the discipline of the mind and the heart—developing their capacities, strengthening their powers, and training them to practical usefulness.  Our  children  should  be  learned  to  think—to  discriminate—to  feel  the  conscious  power  of  cultivated  intellect, and  the  purifying,  and  elevating  influence  of  Christian  principle.    And  this  education  should  be  universal, reaching  the  humble  hovel  as well  as  the  spacious mansion,  and  thus  bringing  out  the  children  of  the  poor  and the rich, to drink together at the enlarged fountains of knowledge which we should open for all. To  accomplish  the  purpose  of  educating  this  whole  people,  in  a  manner  suited  to  sustain  our  free institutions,  we  obviously  need  a  more  elevated  standard  of  common  school  instruction.    There  is  too  wide  a chasm  between  a  liberal  and  a  common  education.    The  higher  should  not  be  brought  down,  but  the  lower raised.    Great  political  responsibilities  rest  on  our  people,  involving  the  necessity  of  a  high  state  of  general intelligence.    They  are  to  judge  not  only  of  the  personal  qualifications  of  candidates  for  office,  but  of  the character and tendency of measures, and the force and bearing of great principles.  They must be able to correct errors of fact, detect false reasoning, and put demagogues to silence. And  the  road  to  distinction  should  be made  broader.   We want  in  high  public  stations more men who  have been  trained  to  maturity  amid  the  scenes  of  ordinary  life.    Industry,  patience,  perseverance,  common  sense, sympathy for  the  laboring classes, contempt for  the mere distinction of office, and a  love of  the noble objects  it gives  the  power  to  accomplish—these  are  among  the  fruits  of  an  intellectual  and  moral  training  amidst  the labors  and  trials  of  common  life.    The  mass  of  mind,  as  it  comes  up  to  maturity,  may,  by  a  proper  system  of education, be disciplined  to a vigor, and  furnished with an amount of knowledge,  fitting  for almost any  station, not involving the necessity of professional skill for its success. I  do  not  undervalue  the  higher  seminaries.    They  must  e  sustained—established  upon  solid  foundations—placed  beyond  the  reach  of  embarrassment  and  want.    No  adequate  system  of  education  can  be  sustained without  them.  They  are  important,  not  only  to  train  instructors,  and  fit  men  for  the  learned  professions,  but  to maintain  a  high  standard  of  education  in  a  community.    They  are  like  the  sun  shining  in  his  strength,  and communicating  light  and  heat  to  the  bodies  by  which  he  is  surrounded.    But  it  we  would  sustain  them,  let  us elevate  the  standard  of  common  education,  for  in  proportion  as  tat  is  done, will  the  higher  institutions  be more valued,  and  more  liberally  patronized  and  endowed;  while  there  will  be,  throughout  the  community,  a  greatly increasing thirst for the water that comes from these deeper and purer fountains. The great desideratum in regard to common education is, improved modes of teaching,--modes by which the hitherto  great waste  of  time may  be  avoided—the mind  stimulated  to  activity—trained  to  habits  if  self-relying effort,  and  learned  to  “go  alone,”  as  it  shall  be  thrown  upon  its  own  resources,  amid  the  labors  and responsibilities  of  practical  life.    Time  waits  not  the  sluggish  and  inefficient  movements  of  false  methods  of teaching.    It  bears our  children  rapidly onward  to manhood, prepared or unprepared  for  the great duties of  life.  But as we double the power of human energy by new processes in agriculture and the mechanic arts, so may we double  the value of  the allotted  time  for education.   We are eager  to avail ourselves of  the augmented power  to gain wealth  through  the wonderful  improvements  and discoveries of  this  age.   Rail  roads  augment  the value of every  thing  they  touch  or  approach,  and  we  are,  therefore,  awake  to  their  importance;  but  are  there  not  more wonderful  developments  to  be  made  of  intellectual  wealth  by  improved  modes  of  education?    Shall  other improvements  go  on,  while  this  stands  still?    Are  the  mind  and  heart  of  a  people  of  less  importance  than  the materials  of  wealth  in  the  earth  they  inhabit?    Shall  we  carefully  improve  the  reeds  of  our  animals  while  we neglect  the  improvement  of man?    If  he  is  esteemed  a  public  benefactor who makes  two  blades  of  grass  grow there one grew before, is not he a greater, who devises means for doubling the productive power of the mind of a people? And  now  is  presented  the  great  inquiry—by  what  means  shall  the  needed  reforms  be  effected  in  the management and instruction of our common schools?  This is, practically, a difficult question.  The first thing to be  done  evidently  is,  to  ascertain  the  present  condition  of  our  schools  in  regard  to  the  precise  defects  in  the modes of instruction, the character of the books used and the general standard of qualification of teachers. Though  we  have  doubtless  many  good  teachers,  there  is,  in  general  a  manifest  deficiency  in  this  respect.  Nor  should  this  surprise  us.    It  would  rather  be  surprising  if,  under  our  present  system—if  system  it  can  be called—the  standard  of  qualification  did  not  fall  far  below  what  it  should  be.    Teaching  is,  generally,  but  a temporary  resort,  either  to  obtain  the means  of  an  education,  or  of  embarking  in  other  pursuits.    It  should  be  a profession,  as  honorable  as  it  is  responsible.    There  will  be  good  teachers  when  we  shall  mature  a  common school system which shall create a demand for, and furnish the means of rewarding them. There  should  be,  furthermore,  an  examination  into  the  condition  of  the  school  houses,  in  reference  to  their size, seating, ventilation, warmth, location, and the grounds connected with them. Information on all these points should be embodied and brought out, in order to awaken the public attention to  the  necessity  of  vigorous  and  systematic  efforts  for  reform.    And  this  must  be  done  under  the  legislative authority,  by  persons  competent  to  an  inspection,  and  to  the  making  of  its  results  intelligible  and  useful,  as  a basis  of  future  action.    Such  investigations  have  been  the  first  step  in  the  prosecution  of  educational improvement  in  the  States  of  Connecticut, Massachusetts  and New York,  producing, within  a  few  years,  great and  beneficial  results  in  these States.   Will Vermont  longer  hesitate  to  follow  their  example?   On  you  rests  the responsibility of dicing  this question,    I would not urge to hasty and headlong efforts at  improvement.   Gradual progress  is  the  law  of  advance  to  sound  and  vigorous  maturity  in  every  thing.    But  there  can  be  no  advance without a beginning. How shall this beginning be made? is a question for immediate consideration.  The exploration suggested, to be  of  any  avail,  must  be  uniform,  universal  and  thorough.    To  make  it  such,  compensation  is  obviously indispensable.   We have once  tried  it without, and  failed; and without  it, we  shall  fail again.   There must be  an efficiency which  the responsibility of accepting a  trust with compensation, can alone secure.   By what agencies the work shall be done, it will be for your wisdom to determine.  It will be  worthy  of  consideration  whether  they  may  not  be  such,  in  part,  as  shall  be  needed  for  the  general supervision necessary  to carry  forward and perfect a system of educational  improvement; such,  for example, as a board of commissioners as in Connecticut, or of Education as in Massachusetts, or a general Superintendent of common  schools  with  County  Superintendents,  as  in  New  York.    There  may  be  advantages  worthy  of consideration  in  the  direct  and  undivided  responsibility  of  a  single  general  Superintendency, while  the  County Superintendents  may  well  be  supposed,  from  the  range  given  for  their  selection,  to  be  fully  competent  to exercise  the  rigid  supervision,  and  make  the  suggestions  of  improvement  indispensable  to  progress  in  the reform. This  corresponds  somewhat  with  the  Prussian  system  of  superintendency,  as  described  by  the  Secretary  of the  Massachusetts  Board  of  Education  in  the  late  report  of  his  visit  to  Europe,  for  purposes  connected  with education.  The kingdom, it appears from the report, is divided into circles or districts, in each of which there is “one  or  more  school  commissioners  or  inspectors,  selected  from  the  most  talented  and  education  men  in  the community—such  as  would  be  appointed  presidents  or  professors  in  colleges,  or  judges  of  the  higher  courts.  The  whole  “Prussian  system”  says  the  author  of  the  report,  “impressed  me  with  a  deep  sense  of  the  vast difference  in  the  amount  of  general  attainment  and  talent  devoted  to  the  cause  of  popular  education  in  that country, as compared with any other country or state I had ever seen.”  Over all the other functionaries entrusted with  the  execution  of  their  system,  is  the  Minister  of  Public  Justice,  who  is  a  member  of  the  King’s  Cabinet.  “Such has also been the case in France since the late organization of their system of public instruction.” Under  the  New  York  system,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  County  Superintendents  to  visit  the  schools  in  their respective  counties,  consult  with  the  teachers,  and  town  superintendents,  deliver  lectures  on  education,  and endeavor  to awaken an  increased  interest on  the subject of common school education.   These  latter  requisitions form  a  very  important  part  of  that  system;  as  it  is  obviously  vain  to  attempt  a  reform  unless  the  people  can  be brought  to  take  a  deep  interest  in  it.    There  must  be  a  co-operation  of  an  enlightened  public  sentiment,  or nothing  will  be  done.   We  may  legislate,  and  must  legislate;  but  after  all,  little  can  be  effected  merely  by  the high  pressure  of  legislation.    It must  be  adapted  to  awaken,  and  concentrate,  and  give  effect  to  the  energies  of the community.   And what cannot Vermont accomplish  in  this matter  if  she  shall undertake?  and what motives to  undertake,  and  to  persevere,  can  be  compared  with  those  which  are  connected  with  the  vast  results  of  the mental and moral training of her children? The carrying out, and perfecting, of an adequate system of educational improvement will, of course, involve ultimately,  a  considerable  expenditure;  but  as  the  necessity  for  it  shall  arise,  will  the  gradually  unfolding benefits of  the system make  the contributions  to sustain  it, easy, and  their burden  light.   The expenditure on  the part of  the State, necessary  to  commence  the  system,  through  the agency of a State Superintendent, and county Superintendents, need not be great—not much greater, in the language of the report of the committee to which I have referred, than “the people of Vermont have paid annually for killing foxes.” Vermont  has  an  enviable  name  abroad.    Let  her  maintain  it.    Let  her  emulate  the  efforts  of  New  York, Connecticut  and  Massachusetts.    She  ought,  indeed,  to  go  beyond  them.    No  State  in  the  Union  has  such  a material  to  work  upon,--none  that  can  be  wrought  into  more  beautiful  and  durable  monuments  of  public beneficence and liberality. In  respect  to  the  ultimate  expenditure  that  may  be  needed  for  the  purchase  of  district  school  libraries,  and chemical  and  philosophical  apparatus  and  globes,--for  making  provision  in  the  colleges  and  academies,  or  in separate  institutions,  for  the  teaching  of  instructors,  and  for  aid  in  the  repairs  and  construction  of  school houses—we  may  hope  that  we  shall,  at  no  distant  day,  possess  ample  means,  in  our  distributory  share  of  the proceeds of the sales of the public lands.  It would be an appropriation worthy the noble inheritance of freedom which, with a  large portion of  those  lands, was bequeathed  to us by our  revolutionary fathers.   It was,  indeed, a benevolent and fitting arrangement, in the order of  Providence, that the same severance from the parent country which  gave  us  independence,  gave  us,  also,  a  great  domain,  capable  of  dispensing  so  widely  the  blessings  of education, and of rendering this nation a model of virtue, intelligence, and good government for the world. I  have  dwelt  longer  on  the  subject  of  education  than may, perhaps, be deemed  appropriate  for  an  executive message; but its very great importance must be my apology.  It is, in my judgment, of more importance than any other subject that can possibly engage the attention of the legislature. A  consideration of  the means of developing  the mind of  the State naturally  suggests  the  idea of developing the  riches  of  its minerals  and  its  soils.   My  predecessors  have  frequently  recommended  a  geological  survey  of the  State,  in which  I  fully  concur;  and  invite  to  the  subject  your  special  attention.  If we would  develope mind, and  apply  it  to  its  great  purposes,  we  study  and  analyze  it,  that  we  may  understand  its  capacities  and  powers.  Thus  should we do with  the  soil we  inhabit.   Here we  are,  in  its daily  cultivation, drawing  from  it  our  support; and  shall  we  remain  ignorant  of  its  properties,  its  defects  and  the  means  of  supplying  them,  only  as  tardy experience shall disclose them to us?  We want a scientific, thorough, universal examination of the various soils of  the state,  involving complete analysis and classification of  the whole, and such an exploration as shall reach, if possible, all  the fertilizing substances which can be made available for  the amelioration of our soils, and  then stimulating them to their highest practicable power of production.  There are localities where the discovery of a bed of limestone would be more valuable than a mine of gold.  The same may be said of marl, gypsum, peat and other substance, appropriate, either singly or in combination, to supply deficient elements in unproductive soils. It  is  hardly  necessary  to  speak  of  the  probable  development  of  mineral  resources,  of  which  we  have  an earnest in our iron, copperas, copper, manganese, and other mineral treasures.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  such  results  will  not  be  brought  out,  except  under  examinations  effected  by legislative authority, and at public expense.  Such examinations have been made by other States; and the results are  before  the  world.    I  mean  the  immediate  results;  for  the  great  practical  results  are  yet  to  come  forth  in  a mingled mass of benefits, spreading  themselves over  the surface of our country, while  there is a soil to yield its fruits to the labors of man. By  enquiries  made  two  years  ago,  I  learned,  that,  at  that  time,  geological  surveys  had  been  authorized  in ever State  in  the Union, excepting Vermont, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Illinois.   The  lone position  of Vermont  in his  classification,  is  somewhat  striking.    It  is  for you  to  say whether we  shall  remain  in this position any longer. This  subject derives great  additional  importance  from  a  consideration of  the  emigration which has,  at  some periods,  rapidly,  and  still  does,  to  a  considerable  extent,  drain  the  population  of  our  State.    If  we  would  retain our  people  at  home,  let  us  show  them what Vermont  is,  and what  it  is  capable  of  becoming,  as  an  agricultural State. If the people could fully perceive the importance of a geological survey, I doubt not, they would esteem it a privilege  to be  taxed at once,  to an amount sufficient  to complete  the work.   The whole expense of completing, and  publishing  a  survey, would  not,  probably,  involve  a  burden  exceeding  three  cents  upon  each  individual  in the State; which might be spread over two or more years should it be deemed expedient. This  subject  is  invested  with  still  further  importance  from  the  fact,  that  rail  roads  are  approaching  our State—at  no  distant  day,  we  may  hope,  to  pass  through  it—which  will  greatly  enhance  the  value  of  our agricultural,  as  well  as  our  mineral  productions.    Let  us  prepare  to  throw  into  these  improved  channels  of communication with  the  great markets  of  the world,  the  productions  of  a  soil,  quickened  by  the  application  of agricultural  science,  to  a  doubling  of  its  present  power,  and  cultivated with  the  augmented  energy which  these facilities cannot fail to excite. In  the  exercise  of  that  care  which  regards  the  interests  of  all,  you  may  not  deem  it  inappropriate  or unnecessary,  to  consider,  whether  additional  legislation  is  not  required  for  protection  against  the  exactions  of unlawful  interest.    Our  law  relating  to  this  subject  declares,  that  interest  shall  be  limited  to  the  rate  of  six  per centum per annum; and provides for the recovering back, in an action for money had and received or goods sold and delivered, of  any  amount paid  above  that  rate.    It  is worthy of  consideration whether  the  remedy ought not to be extended, so as to authorize a recovery of the amount thus paid, by a proceeding in chancery. The law has, in effect, declared the taking of interest above six per cent, to be wrong; but it has provided no adequate  remedy  for  it.   The  remedy,  by  the process provided  in  the  statute,  is practically no  remedy  at  all,  for in  no  cases  can  it  be  made  available,  excepting  those  in  which  accident  shall  enable  a  borrower,  whose necessities  have  compelled  him  to  submit  to  the  illegal  exaction,  to  prove  by  common  law  evidence,  what  so much pains are always  taken by  the  lender  to conceal, and which  the borrower,  in  the agony of his necessity,  is willing  should  be  concealed.—Does  not  consistency  of  legislation  suggest  the  propriety  of  either  repealing  the law in question, or authorizing its enforcement by a process suited to the case, and indispensable to give the law effect?  To do this by the process suggested, would seem to be liable to no valid objection. This  is  a  subject  of much  general  importance.    The manifest  tendency  of  the  practice  of  exacting  unlawful interest  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  beget  a  contempt  of  the  law,  and  sharpen  ingenuity  for  its  evasion,  the  general tendency  of  which  is  extremely  pernicious,--but,  in  the  second  place,  and  mainly,  to  increase  existing inequalities  in  the  condition  of  the  people,--to  make  the  rich  richer,  and  the  poor  poorer,--to  leave  the necessitous  to  become  the  victims  to  the  temptation  to  borrow  on  long  credit,  upon  an  interest  which  seldom fails  to  complete  their  ruin.    Notwithstanding  the  facilities  for  bank  accommodations—a  mode  of  borrowing which  begets  habits  of  promptness,  and  cherishes  a  sense  of  honor  highly  useful  to  the  community—it  is believed  that  the  practice  of  loaning  upon  unlawful  interest,  prevails  to  an  extent,  and  produces  results,  which may well claim the earnest consideration of the legislature. The  subject  of  licenses  for  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors,  has  come  to  occupy  so  much  of  the  public attention,  and  involves  a  question  of  such  deep  interest  to  the  community,  that  I  cannot  deem  my  duty discharged without inviting your attention to it. It is a principle fundamental tin our government, that it is instituted “for the common benefit, protection and security  of  the  people.”    The  correctness  of  this  principle,  asserted  in  our  bill  of  rights,  will,  of  course,  be conceded by all.  In regard, therefore, to the act of the government in licensing the traffic in intoxicating liquors, the  great  question  would  seem  to  be,  whether  such  traffic  is  for  the  “common  benefit.”    This  question  is,  at present,  in  effect,  submitted  to  the  decision  of  the  courts  in  the  several  counties,  through whom  alone,  licenses can be granted. There seems, however,  to be a prevailing sentiment  that  the power of  license should not remain in  the courts, but  that  it  should,  in  some way, be brought nearer  to  the people.    In  this  sentiment  I  concur.   The people  are  the  source  of  power.    They  know  whether  the  traffic  in  question  is  for  their  benefit,  and  are  fully competent  to  decide  the  question  for  themselves,  without  the  intervention  of  the  judicial  tribunals.    It  is submitted  to  you,  therefore,  the  whether  it  be  not  practicable  to  make  some  satisfactory  provision  by  law,  for sending  the  question  of  licenses  directly  to  them,  and  thus  relieve  the  courts  and  the  legislature  from  further trouble  on  the  subject.    Whether  any,  and  what  provision  shall  be  made,  your  wisdom  will  determine.    If  we would avail ourselves of the benefits of experience, which it is always useful to consult, we have an example in Massachusetts,  which  it  may  be  wise  to  consider.    The  experiment  of  committing  the  whole  subject  to Commissioners,  appointed  by  the  people  in  the  several  counties, with  authority  to  grant  licenses  to  such  extent as they may deem the public good to require, seems to have given general satisfaction in that state.   Should this be  deemed  an  appropriate mode  of  giving  effect  to  the  people’s  wishes,  it  would  aid  the  important  purpose  of removing the elections of Commissioners in the several counties as far as possible from the disturbing influence of  party  politics,  to  have  them  holden  on  a  day  devoted  solely  to  that  object,  and  as  far  removed,  in  point  of time,  from every other election, as  the question  itself ought  to be  separated  from, and elevated above,  the party contests of the day.  There is another question connected with this subject, which seems to demand attention. It has been decided by  the  Supreme  Court  that  justices  of  the  peace  have  not  jurisdiction  of  offences  against  the  license  laws.  County  courts  have,  therefore,  exclusive  jurisdiction;  and  the  result  is,  that,  in  practice,  prosecutions  for  such offenses  are  instituted  but  once  in  each  year—grand  juries  being  usually  no  oftener  summoned,  and  States attorneys,  I  believe,  seldom,  if  ever,  in  such  cases,  filing  information.    The  obvious  difficulty  of  reaching,  by such  an  annual  process,  all  the  violations  of  the  license  laws,  connected with  the  fact  that  the maximum  of  the penalty  is but  ten dollars, would seem  to suggest  the propriety of either giving  the  jurisdiction  to  justices of  the peace,  or  of  making  provision  that  they  may  bind  over  offenders  with  the  witnesses,  to  the  county  courts,  as often as the offenses shall be committed.  If we are to have laws on this subject they should be enforced.  Every good citizen must desire this, whatever may be his opinions on the question of temperance.  Better, far better, to have  no  laws,  than  to  permit  them  to  stand  on  the  stature  book  unexecuted,  sincere  there  is  thus  added  to  the prohibited, and yet permitted evil, that other great evil of a practical denial of the rightful supremacy of law. I  have  been  furnished  in  advance,  with  copies  of  the  eighth  annual  reports  of  the  Trustees  and Superintendent of  the Vermont Asylum  for  the  Insane.   From  these  reports  it appears,  that during  the past year, 232 patients have  enjoyed  the benefits of  the Asylum;  that 96 have been  admitted  to  it,  and 74 discharged;  and that 158 remain.  Of the discharges who had been insane, not exceeding six months, 89 per cent have recovered; while  of  those  whose  insanity  had  been  of  longer  duration,  the  proportion  of  the  restored  has  been  but  34  per cent.—showing, what should be universally known, the great importance of early efforts to secure for the insane the  benefits  of  the  institution.    The  reports  show  that  inveterate  cases,  supposed  to  be  beyond  the  reach  of perfect cure, may be very greatly ameliorated.  Several touching examples of these are given in the report of the Trustees,  in  which  persons  have,  after  a  derangement  of  from  12  to  60  years,  been  taken,  in  conditions  of horrible  wretchedness,  from  cages  and  cells,  their  chains  knocked  off,  and  within  a  few  weeks  from  their entrance  into  the  Asylum,  have  been  persuaded  to  enjoy  the  luxury  of  comfortable  beds,  and  with  safety admitted to receive their food with knives and forks at a common table.   I  am  happy  to  learn  that  since  the  last  report,  additions  to  the  buildings  have  been  completed,  so  as,  in  the opinion of the Trustees, to furnish accommodations fully adequate to the wants of the State.  It appears also, that a  reduction  has  been made  in  the  terms  of  admission,  by  reason  of  the means which  additional  buildings  have furnished  for  the  accommodation  of  a  greater  number  of  patients,  without  the  necessity  of  increasing  the number of officers of the Asylum. It  is  an  exceedingly  fitting  and  important  arrangement  in  the  institution,  that  facilities  are  furnished  for  the employment  of  the  inmates  in  the  occupations  to  which  they  have  been  accustomed—the  influence  of  which, with appropriate amusement, upon their health, and as a means of restoration to mental soundness is apparent. It appears  that  the  income, during  the past year, has been $581.14 more  than  the expenditures;  leaving, as a general result, after allowing for bad debts, a small balance in favor of the institution. The  report  of  the  Trustees  bears  strong  testimony  to  the  judicious  management  of  the  Superintendent;  to whose  exertions  the  state  is  evidently  very  greatly  indebted  for  the  success  of  this  valuable  institution,  in accomplishing the humane purpose of its establishment. The  appeal  at  the  close  of  the  report  of  the  Trustees,  in  behalf  of  the  insane  poor  of  the  state,  is worthy  of consideration.   There  is  no  conceivable  claim  upon Christian  charity  so  strong  as  that which  comes  from  those who  are destitute  alike of  reason,  and of  appropriate means  for  its  restoration.   That claim,  it  is  feared, will not adequately  be  met  by  towns  chargeable  with  the  support  and  maintenance  of  such  poor—the  furnishing  them the  means  of  restoration  to  mental  soundness,  or  even  of  ameliorating  their  insanity  in  cases  where  it  is supposed  to  be  incurable,  constituting,  under  existing  laws,  no  part  of  the  legal duty  of  the  towns.   Whether,  if such  duty  is  imposed  on  them,  it  would  result  in  securing  the  needed  relief,  or  securing  it  as  promptly  and effectually  as  it  should  be, may  perhaps  admit  of  a  question.    I  submit whether  further  provision  should  not  be made by law, for securing the benefits of the asylum to all the insane poor within the State. The  term of one of  the Senators of  this State  in  the Congress of  the United States will expire on  the  third of March  next.    It  will,  therefore,  become  your  duty  to  elect  a  person  to  represent  this  State  in  the  Senate  of  the United States for six years from and after that time. I have  received  from my predecessor sundry  resolutions of other States of  the Union, communicated  to him with  requests  that  they  should  be  laid  before  the  Legislature  of  this  State.    I  shall  make  them  the  subject  of  a future communication. Thus  far  I  have  called  your  attention  to  subjects  immediately  connected  with  our  domestic  policy,  and falling,  exclusively, within  the  range  of  our  State  legislation.    But we  constitute  a  part  of  another  government, whose action vitally affects us, as a community, and s a member of the confederacy.  It is proper, therefore, that I should devote some attention in this communication, to the questions connected with the administration of that government, which now agitate the country and demand attention of us all. The  question  of  protection  to American  labor  and  capital,  in  their  competition with  the  labor  and  capital  of foreign  countries,  is  one  which  comes  home  to  the  business  and  interest  of  the  whole  community.    The  vast variety of  the  soil  and  climate of our  country,  and of  the genius  and  inclinations of  its people, plainly  indicates that diversity of  employment  and  pursuit  is  essential  to  the  full development of  its  capacities  for  improvement.  It was a sense of this, impressed by the practical workings of foreign competition, that formed a leading motive to  the  adoption  of  the  constitution.    The  “more  perfect  union”  of  which  that  constitution  was  the  bond,  was scarcely,  in  any  respect,  more  important  than  in  the  means  which  uniform  regulations  of  commerce  furnished for  the  counteraction  of  the  foreign  policy  which  sought  to  establish  our  workshops  abroad,  and  make  our people tributary to the cheap labor and abundant capital of other countries.  This purpose of the constitution was carried  out  in  the  first  revenue  law  passed  under  it,  whose  framers  were  careful  expressly  to  declare,  in  its memorable  preamble,  that  the  duties  it  imposed,  were  laid  “for  the  encouragement  and  protection  of manufactures.”   And  if  there  is any policy which, more  than any other, has marked our history,  it  is  the policy, of  which  that  preamble  was  the  earnest  and  the  pledge.    It  is  under  its  creative  power  that  manufacturing establishments  have  sprung  up  in  almost  every  part  of  the  country,  sending  the  pulsations  of  vigorous  health through  all departments of  its  industry.   We have,  indeed,  suffered under occasional partial  suspensions of  that policy,  but  they  have  served  to  show  us,  what  uninterrupted  prosperity  under  it  might  not  have  done—its indispensable  importance  to  secure  adequate  encouragement  and  reward  to  labor,  a  full  development  of  the nation’s  faculties  for  improvement, and a  realization of  the benefits derivable  from  the compact which made us “one people.” In  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  protective  policy,  it  has  never,  perhaps,  passed  through  greater  peril  than  it  is now  encountering.   The  tariff  of  1842  saved  the  protected  interest  from  prostration.    Its  benefits  have  been  felt in a revival of business, a restoration of confidence, an adequate revenue, and a general and healthful impulse to the  labor  of  the  country.    But  in  the midst  of  these  successes,  it  is  suddenly  brought  into  peril.—Twelve  years ago  the  system  of  protection was  put  in  similar  peril,  by  the  coincident  action  of  nullification  on  the  one  hand, and betrayal by its professed friends on the other.  That is the character of the present danger.  Nullification it is true,  has  lost much  of  its  power;  but  false  principles,  deceptive  reasoning,  and  disguised  enmity  are  as  strong, perhaps stronger than ever.  This is illustrated in the success of efforts to confound all just distinctions in regard to  protection,  and  lead  the  unsuspecting  to  an  incautious  committal  of  the  protective  system  to  the  hands  of  its enemies.  Thus  we  have  the  doctrine  of  protection  misstated  and  perverted,  by  declarations,  that  it  consists  in “discrimination  for  the  purpose  if  revenue  only;  “  with  protection  incident  to  such  discrimination;  and  again, that  “the  true  limit  of  the  right  and  claim  to  protection,  is  that  rate  of  duty  upon  any  given  article  which  will yield  the  largest  amount  of  revenue.”—Beyond  this,  it  is  asserted,  the  Constitution  gives  no  power  to  impose duties.    The  hinge  on  which  the  whole  protective  system  turns,  is,  the  purpose  for  which  discriminations  are made in the adjustment of a scale of duties.  It “revenue only” is the purpose, every one familiar with the subject can see that it may not afford adequate protection to any interest, since it is obvious that a duty on a give article, falling  far  short  of  just  protection  to  its  rival  of  American  production,  may  be  the  duty  which  will  yield  the greatest  amount  of  revenue  from  that  article,  by  reason  of  its  greater  importation  under  the  lower  duty.    To subject  the  protected  interest  to  the  operation  of  such  a  rule,  is  to  commit  them  to  mere  chance.    If  this  is  the “true limit of the right and claim to protection,” it is a limit within which every protected interest in the country may be crushed.   The  true doctrine  is, not discrimination  for revenue, with  incidental protection, but a  tariff  for revenue  with  discrimination  for  protection.    The  revenue  purpose  is  to  govern,  when  we  are  considering  the amount of revenue to be raised upon the whole of the importations.  No more revenue, in the aggregate, may be raised,  than shall be necessary  to supply  the wants of  the government—making a  tariff,  in  this sense, a  revenue tariff.   But while  this great revenue purpose  is  to be kept  in view, and  its  limit never exceeded, another purpose is, also, to be kept in view, namely—that of so discriminating between different classes of articles, and between one  article  and  another,  of  the  same  class,  that  while,  in  the  aggregate, we  raise  only  the  required  amount,  we may, by  the discrimination,  impose high duties on articles needing strong protection—moderate duties on  those needing less protection, and no duties on such as need no protection.  This is discrimination for protection—the genuine doctrine, of which discrimination for revenue, with incidental protection, is the counterfeit.  It  was  this  false  doctrine  which  formed  the  leading  feature  in  the  report  of  the  committee  of  Ways  and Means,  at  the  late  session  of  Congress;  and  the  bill  reported  by  that  Committee,  and  which  stands  upon  the calendar of the House for its action at the next session, was the legitimate result of that doctrine. As perpetual vigilance is the price of liberty, so is it emphatically the price of protection to our industry.  We can  well  resist  the  attacks  of  the  open  enemies  of  the  protective  policy,  but  may  find  ourselves  baffled  and foiled  by  the  deceptive  warfare  of  its  pretended  friends.    The  investigations  of  this  year,  aided  by  the  obvious benefits  of  the  existing  tariff,  well  it  may  be  hoped,  result  in  firmly  establishing  correct  principles  on  this subject, and giving permanency to the tariff, of which they form the basis. There  is  another  subject  of  great  importance which  demands  our  attention;  and  the more  so  because  it  is  a question  in which  or  rights  as  a State,  are  directly  involved.    I  refer  to  the  debated  policy  of  distributing  to  the States the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. The leading objection to distribution—aside from its alledged corrupting influence upon the States, which is not worth  considering—is,  that,  b  taking  the  amount  of  the  land  sales  from  the  treasury, we  increase  the  taxes for  the  support  of  government,  and  thereby,  in  effect,  tax  the  people  for  the  purpose  of  distribution,--in  other words, that we corrupt the people with their own money.  The argument rests upon erroneous views of the effect of  a  tariff.    It  is well  known  that  an  increase  of  duty  does  not,  necessarily,  produce  an  increase  of  price.    If  the proceeds  of  the  lands  are  taken  away  from  the  treasury  for  distribution,  a  necessity  will  of  course  be  thereby created  for  raising  an  additional  sum,  equal  to  that  amount,  by  duties  on  imports.   But,  it  is well  known,  in  the first  place,  that  an  augmented  duty,  if  it  has  the  effect  of  increasing  the  domestic  supply  of  rival  articles,  is  in effect,  divided  between  the  foreign  producer  and  the  consumer;  and,  in  effect,  divided  between  the  foreign producer  and  the  consumer;  and,  in  the  next  place,  that  so  far  as  the  consumers  pay  the  additional  duty,  their ability generally, to do so, is increased by the tariff itself, in its influence on the industry of the country.  This is shown,  among  other  ways,  by  augmented  revenue,  under  a  decidedly  protective  tariff,  as  illustrated  in  the operation  of  the  tariff  of  1842.    An  increased  consumption,  generally,  though  not  always,  proves  an  increased ability  to purchase dutiable commodities; and  this corresponds with  the great  tariff  theory,  that protection gives the impulse of increased reward, and steadiness of employment, to all branches of domestic industry. All  that  part  of  the  public  domain  which  lies  within  the  original  limits  of  the  United  States,  is  holden  by them strictly in trust for the benefit of the several states.  Distribution, so far as regards this portion of the public lands, would be but a  simple execution of  the  trust created  in  the deeds of cession  to  the United States—a  trust which,  if  the  parties  were  subject  to  chancery  jurisdiction,  might  be  enforced,  upon  the  common  principles applicable to trust estates.  And although the claim for a distribution of the proceeds of the lands since acquired, rests  upon  grounds  of  expediency  only,  and  not  of  strict  right,  yet  that  expediency  is  not  less  clear  than  is  the right under the trust referred to. Distribution  is expedient,  in  the  first place, because of  its effect upon protection—preventing, as  it will,  the income from  the public  lands from a pernicious  interference with  the protective policy, by  leaving  the whole of the needed revenue to be drawn exclusively from impost duties.  And this constitutes another striking ground of difference between the genuine and spurious friends of protection. Distribution  is  expedient,  also,  because  the  proceeds  of  the  national  domain  are  thereby  brought  nearer  to the  people,  who  can,  through  their  immediate  representatives  in  the  State  legislatures,  more  wisely  and beneficially  appropriate  them  to purposes of  needed  improvement.   Since  the  arresting of  the policy of  internal improvement,  by  the  national  government,  effected  by  the  Maysville  veto,  distribution  has  become  the  only means  by  which  the  avails  of  the  public  lands  can  be  made  to  accomplish  that  important  purpose.    And  if  the fund can be thus appropriated, through distribution to the States, the arresting of the policy, by the veto referred to,  may  not,  perhaps,  be  a  subject  of  regret,  since  the  object  can,  probably,  be  better  accomplished  through State,  than  National  administration.    But  to  stop  the  national  appropriation  of  the  fund,  for  purposes  of improvement,  and  at  the  same  time,  withhold  it  from  the  States,  is  to  abandon  the  object  altogether,  and  thus forego  the  great  national  advantages  which  this  fund,  from  its  permanent  character,  as  well  as  from  its  large amount, is peculiarly adapted to secure. This  fund  may,  moreover,  under  the  state  administration,  be  made  to  reach  one  object  of  improvement, which  it  would,  probably,  never  reach  in  the  hands  of  the  general  government;--I  mean,  the  object  of education—an  object  of more  importance  to  this  nation  than  all  other  objects  combined,  to which  the  fund  can possibly  be  appropriated.    It  is  thus  that  the  great  domain  may  be  made  to  reach,  and  purify  the  fountains  of thought  and  feeling  among  the  masses,  upon  whom  rest,  and  must  always  rest,  whilst  our  institutions  are republican,  the  government  of  this  nation;  and  whose  oral  and  intellectual  character  will  shape  it  destinies, “rough hew them as we will,” by the most carefully matured schemes of national policy. If we would make  this  a  truly  great  nation, we must  give  activity  and  vigor  to  the  elements  of  greatness  in the hearts  and minds of  its people.   These  elements must  be  brought  out—their  capacities  fully developed,  and their  energies  rightly directed.   And here  are  the means of doing  it,  furnished  tour hands.   Let  the nation  either use them, or place them where they may be used, for this great purpose, and thus render the beneficial effects of the appropriation of the national domain, as solid and enduring as the domain itself.  It is thus, in the right use of the  means  for  national  improvement  which  God  has  given  us,  that  he  will  bless  us—will  make  us  a  great  and good nation, and enable us to accomplish the ends of His Providence in giving us a national existence. There  is  another  question  of  great  and  overwhelming  interest  which  recent  events  have  forced  upon  our attention.      By  a  sudden  and  unexpected  turn  of  party  policy,  we  are  called  on  to  decide  the  momentous question,  whether  a  foreign  nation  shall  be  annexed  to,  and  become  part  of  the  confederacy.    As  this  is  a question  in which  the  States,  as members  of  the Union,  have  a  special  interest,  and  upon which  they may,  and ought, immediately, to express their opinions, through their respective legislatures, it will not be deemed, in any sense, foreign to my duty, to bring the subject to your notice, and urge it upon your special attention. Vermont  came  into  a  union  whose  bond  was  a  written  constitution,  granting  to  its  government  certain specified  powers.    No  question  in  regard  to  the  powers  conferred  by  that  constitution,  can  be  of  greater importance  than  that  which  relates  to  the membership  of  the  confederacy.    The  extent  to  which  new members may be admitted, involves a question far beyond a question of mere administration of the government.  It strikes at  the  existence  of  the  government  itself.    An  unauthorized  admission  of  a  new  state,  is  nothing  less  than  an attempt to make a new confederacy.  This cannot, of course, be done, without a destruction of the old—without an exercise of power by the existing government, equivalent to suicide. Such  is  the  proposition  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  Union—involving  a  question  of  much  more importance than whether the territory to be added shall form one or five states, or equally divided between these opposite and  irreconcilable elements of power.   It  is a question whether, by an act of arbitrary power, Vermont shall  be  forced,  without  her  consent,  into  a  federal  union  with  a  state  or  states,  not  admissible  by  the  compact into which she has entered.  It is as though a majority of the members of an ordinary partnership were to attempt to  force  a  member  into  the  concern  without  the  common  consent—compelling  the  dissatisfied  member  or members to subject the whole business and destiny of the establishment to the hazard of a connexion with a new partner—it may be, bankrupt  in  fortune and character, or  trained  to habits of business, or possessing  infirmities of  constitution,  rendering  the  connexion  valueless,  or  worse  that  valueless.    An  ordinary  violation  of  the constitution—such,  for  example,  as  an  alledged  unauthorized  regulation  of  commerce  for  purposes  of protection,  might  be  submitted  to,  until  the  action  of  the  appropriate  judicial  tribunal  could  reach  and  remedy the evil.  But this is a case which no judicial power can reach.  The foreign state one admitted, and the mischief is  done,  irrevocably;  and  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  injured  states  becomes  the  only  remedy,  though  it  may involve the hazard of forever quenching the watch-fires of our liberty and union in blood. The  right  to  annex  is  claimed  to  rest  on  the  grant  of  power  in  the  constitution  to  admit  new  states  into  the union.  If there had been no territory within our original limits upon which this power could operate, the right to admit  state  from  beyond  them  would  seem  necessarily  to  have  been  embraced  in  the  general  grant  of  power.  But  such  territory  existed,  large  and  ample.   The  advocates  of  annexation would  seem,  therefore,  to  be  thrown upon  the necessity of  furnishing  evidence of  intention, quite beyond  any  thing  that  can be  found  in  the general language—“New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union,”—which,  if  allowed  the  latitude contended  for, would  leave  no  limit  to  the  exercise  of  the  power,  short  of  the  entire  habitable  globe.    That  the framers of  the constitution had  in  their contemplation a provision admitting such a  latitude,  is  incredible, and  it is equally so that if they had such intention, they should have failed to express it, in language suited to the grant of a power of such fearful magnitude as that of effecting, by a simple act of Congress, an essential change in the relations  of  the  constituent  members  of  the  confederacy;--and  thus,  too,  while  Congress  is  invested  with  no power  to  change  even  a  line of  the constitution—which  can only be done by  the  solemn  act of  three  fourths of the states of this union. Ardent  minds  may  have  glowing  visions  of  greatness,  and  glory  and  good  to  man,  in  prospect  of  the boundless exercise of the claimed power; but it is for the sober and thoughtful, and wise and truly benevolent, to check  such  anticipations,  and  chasten  such  desires,  by  submitting  them  to  the  restraints  of  rigid  justice  to  the existing members of the confederacy.  No fancied benefits can ever compensate for the perpetration of wrong—the infliction of injustice, under any circumstances whatever. But it is attempted to obviate the constitutional difficulty, by claiming title to Texas as part of the Louisiana purchase, and calling  the proposed measure re-annexation.    In  reference  to  this  it  is sufficient  to say  that by  the Treaty  of  1819 with Spain,  after  a protracted negotiation with  regard  to  the Southern boundary of Louisiana,  it was agreed to fix it on the Sabine; that the yielding of our disputed claim to Texas entered into the consideration of  the  cession  to  us  of  Florida;  and  that  the  line  thus  established was  subsequently  confirmed  by  our Treaty  of limits with Mexico.  The claim to re-annexation, then, is as though, upon the possible independence of Canada, and  a  treaty  with  her  confirming  the  boundary,  established  by  the  treaty  of Washington,  we  should  afterwards claim  as  our  own,  the  territory  ceded  by  us  in  that  arrangement,  because  it  was  embraced  within  our  formerly claimed  limits.   Who  would  be  willing  to  hazard  the  peace  or  the  honor  of  the  country,  upon  such  a  claim  as this?  And yet, such is the claim for re-annexation. But there is another insurmountable constitutional objection.  It is found in the purpose of annexation.  That purpose is to establish and perpetuate slavery—any attempt to do which by the General Government is, of itself, a  manifest  violation  of  the  national  compact.    For  where  is  to  be  found  among  the  powers  granted  in  the constitution, the semblance of a power to establish or perpetuate slavery, any where?  With the exception of the provisions  for  delivering  up  fugitives,  and  the  suppression  of  insurrection,  and  the  three  fifths  slave representation in one branch of Congress, the constitution confers on slavery no privilege; and imposes no duty, and  confers  no  power  on  Congress,  looking,  in  the  remotest  degree,  to  its  support.    It  was  a  state  institution before the constitution was formed, and, so far as that constitution is concerned, it remains so still—free to live, if  it  can, but  certain  to die without unconstitutional  aid  for  its  support.   That  aid  it  is  the purpose of  annexation to afford.  The  onward  progress  of  freedom,  under  its  high  impulses,  is  rapidly  changing  the  balance  of  power,  and leaving  slavery  to  perish;  and  now  the  nation  is  suddenly  called  on  to  come  to  its  rescue  –  to  save  it  from sinking—to  infuse  into  it  fresh  life  and  vigor,  and  to  prolong  and  perpetuate  its  power.    And  this  at  the expiration of more than half a century from the formation of the constitution, when the entire nation entertained the belief that slaver could not survive the first quarter of a century of our national existence. It  is  said,  indeed,  that  annexation will  not  have  the  effect  of  enlarging  and  sustaining  the  power  of  slavery.  But whoever considers the relation between demand and supply in the commerce of the world, will be at no loss to perceive the connection between the consumption of human energy and human life in the enlarged cultivation of Texas  annexed,  and  the  increased  production  in our  slave breeding States  for  the  supply of  the demand  thus created.    Such  was  the  effect  of  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana.    That  slavery  is  destined,  with  annexation,  to recede  gradually  to  the  South,  until  it melts  away  and  becomes  lost  in  a mixture  of  races  somewhere  between the  line of Mason & Dixon, and  the  isthmus of Darien,  is a vision of fancy as baseless as  the fabric of a dream.  Nothing in the past will justify us in believing it can ever become a reality. To  attempt  for  any  purpose,  a  transformation  of  the  present,  into  the  new  union  which  annexation  would create,  would  be  an  insufferable  invasion  of  our  rights;  but  to  attempt  it  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  slavery, and  subjecting  the  tenants  of  these  mountains  to  its  prolonged  power,  is  to  be  thought  of  with  no  dream  of submission  to  it  for an hour.   Upon  the consummation of  the  threatened measure,  I do not hesitate  to say  that  it would  be  the  duty  of  Vermont  to  declare  her  unalterable  determination  to  have  no  connexion  with  the  new union,  thus  formed without  her  consent,  and  against  her will.    To  carry  out  this  determination would  not  be  to dissolve the union, but to refuse to submit to its dissolution,--not to nullify, but to resist nullification. I  do  not  under  value  the  Union.    I  greatly  value,  and  would  preserve  it.    But  it  is  the  union  of  which  the present  constitution  is  the  bond.    If  the  question were  properly  submitted  to Vermont whether  she would  come into  a  new  union,  we  would  deliberate  upon  it;  but  the  question  whether  we  will  submit  to  be  forced  into  it, under pretence of  a power  to do  so which does not  exist,  is not  to be debated  for  a moment,  any more  than we would debate the question of submission to a foreign yoke. But  why,  after  all,  should  annexation  be  desired  by  any  body?    What  conceivable  motive  is  there  for  it, having reference to the good of the whole country?  How is it to benefit the Union?  Who can assure us, indeed, of  the  capacity  of  our  Union  to  resist  the  strong  tendencies  to  dissolution,  of  such  an  acquisition?   What  wise and  prudent  stateman will  be willing  to  hazard,  such  an  experiment  upon  this Union?   Wiser  and  better  is  it  to endeavor  to  strengthen  and  consolidate  it  upon  its  present  basis—to  get  rid,  as  soon  as  can  be  properly  and rightfully done, of  every  thing  that will  endanger  it,  and  especially of  that greatest of  all  sources of danger,  the institution  of  slavery—and  thus,  having  laid  aside  every  weight,  to  run  the  race  of  freedom  and  philanthropy and solid glory which is set before us. The  relation of Slavery  to  the confederacy,  the evident danger  from  the existence of  such an element  in our Union, and the increasing excitement in regard to it, suggest a few additional remarks upon that subject.  The  question  of  slavery  is  among  the  greatest  that  can occupy  the mind  of  the  nation.   The  true  position  in which  it was  left by  the Constitution—the expectation of  the country  in regard  to  its  then future condition—the history of  its subsequent encroachments, and  its  irreconcilable hostility  to freedom, are matters which must and will  occupy  the  public  attention.    The  world  is  moving  on  the  subject;  and  the  progress  which  has  been  made within  the  last  quarter  of  a  century,  in  the  work  of  human  emancipation,  has  materially  changed  the  aspect  of the  whole  question.    To  attempt  to  put  down  abolition  is  vain.    The  statesmen  of  this  nation  must  look  the question  in  the  face.    It  is  not  one  of  mere  philanthropy,  but  has  other  bearings.      Slavery  is  an  element  of political  power;  and  how  long,  and  to  what  extent,  it  shall  be  suffered  to  control  the  policy  and  mould  the destiny of this nation, is a question whose consideration cannot be postponed indefinitely. What direction shall be given to the strong and growing feeling on this subject, is among the most important questions than can occupy the minds of our Statesmen.  There are evidently great dangers to be encountered.  If the  purpose  of  the  Fathers  had  been  carried  out,  and  slavery  had  gradually  yielded  and  given  place  to  the institutions  of  freedom,  this  crisis  would  not  have  been  thrown  upon  the  country.    But  the  contrary  policy  has prevailed.    Slavery  has  planted  itself  in  new  fields—has  struggled  for  ascendancy,  and  maintained  it;  and  has finally  come  to  take  the  ground  that  it  must  be  fostered,  and  cherished,  and  extended,  so  as  to  be  able  to maintain  its balance, as an element of power  in  the Union.  What  is  to be  the character and  issue of  the conflict which  the  growing  spirit  of  freedom  is  to  have  with  slavery,  thus  struggling  to  maintain  its  ascendancy  is  a question  of  fearful  interest.   The  pretensions  and  encroachments  of  the  slave  power,  and  especially  the  attempt to  strengthen  it  by  the  annexation  of  Texas,  have  contributed  to  give  a  character  of  deep  and  desperate earnestness to abolition movements, threatening to draw every other question of morals and politics within their vortex. The true ground is not upon either of these extremes.   But neither is it the ground of indifference.  That will work  no  deliverance  either  from  the  evils  of  slavery,  or  of  an  over  heated  and  headlong  zeal  for  its  abolition.  No attempt should be made  to suppress  the mighty  impulses of  this age  towards universal emancipation.   None will be successful.  Rather should it be our effort to guide them rightly and safely. Cold apathy and bitter zeal should alike give place  to a calm, steady, patient, persevering effort  to reach  the seat of the evil,--to overcome in the South the fear of change, the force of habit, the reluctance to labor, the love of  dominion,  and  the  tenacity  of  supposed,  but  mistaken  interest,  while  truth  shall  be  made  to  exert  its appropriate power in quickening the conscience to a just sense of the wrongs of slavery.  And along with all this there must, and will, of necessity be political action in some form, gradually changing the character of state and national legislation, while no great interest of the country shall be left forgotten, uncared for, or neglected.  The position  of  the  North,  and  the  natural  jealousy  of  its  efforts  in  this  cause,  impose  on  it  the  duty  of moderation and forbearance; while the claims of humanity, and a just respect for its own rights demand that it steadily resist the  encroachments,  expose  the  wrongs,  and  labor,  in  all  appropriate  ways  to  rid  the  country  of  the  evils,  of slavery. Suffer me, in closing this communication again to advert to  our domestic concerns, and to express the hope that  we  may  come  to  the  consideration  of  them,  with  a  feeling  of  devotion  to  the  interest  of  our  State,  which shall make us forget all party distinction  in an ardent desire  to benefit and bless her.   Let  the  lines which divide us  on  questions  of  national  policy  be  obliterated,  when  we  come  to  consider  the  matters  which  concern exclusively  our  own  people;  and  let  the  strife  of  party  zeal  be  lost  in  a  generous  emulation  to  devise  the  best means  of  advancing  the  interest  of  this  Commonwealth.    And  what  a  field  does  she  present  for  our  labors.  Almost the whole of her surface may be converted into a garden, rank with luxuriance, and teeming with riches for  the benefit of man.   A wise domestic policy may, within no very distant period, have  the effect of doubling the  amount  of  our  present  productions—retaining  our  population  at  home—giving  to  all,  the  means  of comfortable subsistence, and the added means of universal education, upon a scale commensurate with the great purpose of educating a people to govern themselves.  We are, and must, of course, continue to be, a small state; but necessarily small, only  in  territorial extent.   In all  that constitutes  true greatness we may become  the  largest State  in  the  Union—in  the  world;  great  in  the  development  of  the  capacities  of  our  soil,  but  far  greater  in  the mighty energies of the men that shall live upon it. Here  then  is  a  large  field  for  our  efforts.    Let  us  survey  it,  fully,  and  address  ourselves  to  its  labors with  a determination to do what our hands find to do, with our might.  To all this we are urged by motives which come up in the recollections of the past, and stand out in the visions of the future.  How can we help feeling an honest state pride, when we think of our origin—of our history—of our strength at home—of our character abroad, and of our position of influence and power for good, upon an extended scale, in our connexion with the Union.  We may,  and  must  concern  ourselves  with  the  questions  involved  in  the  national  action;  but  after  all,  here  is Vermont—a  name  dear  to  us  all—at  the mention  of  which  our  hearts  thrill with  honest  pride.    Vermont!    Our own  beloved  State,  that  claims  our  first  attention,  and  deserves  our warmest  affection,  and  our  untiring  efforts for  her  good.    In  regard  to  her  let  us  say,--If    I  forget  thee  let  my  right  hand  forget  her  cunning;  if  I  do  not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I prefer thee not above my chief joy. In  conclusion,  I  need  hardly  say  to  the  representatives  of  a  Christian  people  that  the  efforts  of  our  highest wisdom—our  most  carefully  matured  schemes  for  the  advancement  of  the  public  good,  will  be  unavailing without  the divine  blessing.   Let us,  amid  the  cares  and  labors  and  excitement  connected with  the performance of our duties, take fast hold of this great truth—maintaining a just sense of the magnitude of the trust committed to us, and an abiding conviction of the true character of our responsibilities in connection with it. Suffer  me  to  tender,  through  you,  to  the  people  of  Vermont  my  grateful  acknowledgments  for  the  recent expression of their confidence—my sense of the value of which, and of the increased responsibilities it imposes on my life to the promotion of the highest interests of this State, of my country and the world.  WILIAM SLADE. } EXECUTIVE CHAMBER October 11, 1844