Inaugural address  of  Ryland Fletcher  As it appears in the  Journal  of the  House of Representatives  October Session  1856 Saturday, October 10, 1856 Inaugural Address  Fellow Citizens of the Senate      and House of Representatives: In  assuming  the  responsible  station  assigned  me  by  the  freemen  of  Vermont,  I  desire  to  express  to  them through  you,  their  Representatives,  the  profound  sentiments  of  gratitude  with  which  this  honor  so  highly distinguished  and  so  cordially  conferred,  has  inspired  me,  and  to  give  them  the  assurance  of  my  most  sincere devotion to the interest of this Commonwealth. During  the  past  year,  under  the  protecting  care  of  a  merciful  Providence,  general  health  has  prevailed,  a bountiful  harvest  has  rewarded  the  labors  of  the  husbandman,  and  the  laudable  and  varied  pursuits  of  our citizens have been prosecuted with merited success. For  these  continued  blessings,  it  becomes  us  to  make  a  public  and  devout  acknowledgement  to  that  great and  good  Being  whose  watchful  Providence  and  propitious  smiles  have  been  vouchsafed  to  the  people  of  this State  during  the  vicissitudes  of  another  year.    In  the  discharge  of  our  high  duties,  let  us  not  only  keep  in mind our obligations  to  those who have committed  their  interests to our care, but also recognise our accountability  to a higher tribunal than public opinion. In  conformity  with  ancient  usage,  and  in  compliance  with  a  provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  State,  I respectfully  suggest  to  your  consideration  the  following  subjects,  your  attention  to  which  I  deem  important  to the interest of our people. No more  important subject can possibly engage your attention, as guardians of  the public  interests,  than  the education  of  the  people  of  this  Commonwealth.    The  natural  principle  of  self-protection  imposes  upon  a  State the most assiduous care of  this  important element of  its prosperity.   The object and effect of a  thorough  system of education is to develop the latent powers of the human mind, to bestow upon the people knowledge, and thus fit them for the proper discharge of their various duties in their relations to each other as social beings and to the State  as  citizens.   A  State,  therefore,  the  government  of which  rests  solely  in  the  people  themselves,  can  alone secure  its  prosperity  and  perpetuity  by  thoroughly  educating  that  people,  by  training  and  disciplining  the popular mind  into  a  development  of  its  best  powers,  and  then widely  diffusing  information  and  knowledge,  by the aid of which those powers can be brought to bear upon their complex and important duties as citizens. The  establishment  and  protection  of  a  thorough  system  of  Education,  I  conceive,  therefore,  to  be  as necessary  in  a  free  Commonwealth  to  protect  itself  against  the  dangers  which  have  destroyed  and  still  beset nations, as is that commendable prudence and forethought in individuals, which lead them to protect themselves form the assaults of disease, and their property against the ravages of the elements. If,  therefore,  we  would  sustain  and  improve  the  already  high  character  of  our  State,  promote  virtue  and morality,  give  stability  to  out  institutions  and  protection  to  person  and  property,  we  must  carefully  watch  and liberally  cherish  the  fountain  of  popular  intelligence,  the  Common  School.    From  this  source  is  derived  that elementary  knowledge,  the  importance  of  which  cannot  be  fully  appreciated,  because  it  underlies    and  is  the basis of all other learning, and which is sufficient to enable the great mass of community to fulfill their relations to the Society and the Commonwealth to which they belong.  A wise system of public Education, while it firmly establishes  and  munificently  sustains  the  Common  School,  fosters  also  the  higher  institutions  of  learning,  the Academy  and  College,  which  complete  the  good  work  begun  in  the  primary  school,  and  impart  a  thorough mental training and culture.  These literary institutions are of vital importance to the well being of the State, for they  contribute  to  the  acquisitions  of  science  and  the  adornments  of  art,  they  furnish  to  the  acquisitions  of science  and  the  adornments  of  art,  they  furnish  to  the  Common  School  its wisest  regulators  and  teachers,  and, far  beyond  those  who  immediately  received  and  enjoy  their  benefits,  they  shed  widely  about  them  a disciplining, salutary and elevating influence upon the whole people. To  the pressing demands of our  schools,  academies  and  colleges upon your  care  and protection,  I  earnestly invite your attention. I am unable to lay before the Legislature the actual condition of the schools throughout the State, as no State Superintendent  of  schools  has  been  appointed  and  no  statistical  report  been  made  in  regard  to  that  subject,  as required  by  the  law  of  1845,  since  1851.    The  sentiments  of  a  great  proportion  of  the  people  upon  this  subject have been most  clearly  indicated by  the  numerous petitions which have been presented  to  the Legislature  for  a series of years.  It is a cheering consideration that signal improvements in the system of education have marked the history of the last few years in many parts of this country and in Europe. Aided  by  the  experience  of  other  States  and  our  own  unrivalled  advantages  in  the  independence  and intelligence  of  our  people,  and  their  freedom  from  pauperism  and  foreign  prejudice,  ignorance  and  bigotry, we ought  to  present  to  the world  a  shining  example  of  a Commonwealth, which  lays  in  the minds  of  its  youth  the deep and strong foundations of its future prosperity, and whose most diligent care if freely to offer to every one of its people the blessings of a sound education. In  intimate  connection  with  education,  as  the  morals  of  a  people  depend  to  a  great  extent  upon  their intelligence, stands the subject of the prohibition of the Traffic in intoxicating Drinks.  I respectfully invite your attention to this subject, as one which concerns the most vital interests of your constituents, and which is among the  first  to  enlist  the  warmest  sympathy  of  the  philanthropist  and  the  profoundest  thought  of  the  patriot  and legislator.  The  sentiments  I have  long entertained and  freely expressed upon  this  subject are well known  to my  fellow citizens.     My confidence  in  the power and duty of  the Legislature  to prohibit  the Traffic  in  Intoxicating Liquor as  a  beverage  remains  unshaken.    I  deem  the  principle  of  prohibition  to  be  in  perfect  accordance  with  our Constitution and  in harmony with  the obligations which  the government owes  to  the people.   Few,  if any of  the sources  of  evil  have  been  so  prolific  of  mischief,  have  sent  forth  so  vast  a  desolation,  and  produced  such overwhelming  misery  throughout  all  the  departments  of  social  and  domestic  life,  as  the  sale  of  intoxicating liquors.    The  people  have  a  right  to  demand  at  the  hands  of  their  agents  protection  from  these  evils  so destructive of the happiness and well-being of society. I  conceive  that  the  true  interests  of  the  State,  and  the  hopes  of  the  rising  generation,  require  a  prohibitory law  with  ample  powers  effectually  to  enforce  its  provisions,  prescribing  penalties  commensurate  with  the offences  it  prohibits,  and  adapted  to  accomplish  its  great  design,  the  extinguishment  of  the  traffic.    The constitutionality of several of the most important provisions of the present law of the State upon this subject has been  settled  by  the  Supreme  Court,  a  tribunal  which  has  the  just  confidence  of  our  citizens.    Coming  from  all portions  of  the  Commonwealth,  you  have  personal  knowledge  of  the  practical  operation  of  this  law,  and  its adaptation to accomplish the purposes for which it was designed, and are well fitted to judge of the necessity of further legislation on this subject. Agriculture  is  our  great  leading  employment  and  source  of  support.    This  department  of  labor  manifestly deserves every attention and encouragement which will tend to its advancement and prosperity.  The application of  science  to  agriculture  has  already  disclosed  the  secrets  of  the  composition  of  the  soil  and  the  laws  which regulate  the  germination  and  growth  of  vegetable  organization.    Through  the  investigations  of  science,  also, have  been  discovered  the  nature  and  properties  of  fertilizing  substances,  and  under  their  judicious  application, barren  wastes  have  been  converted  into  smiling  and  productive  fields.    It  is  a  happy  omen  that  agriculture  is now attracting the attention and exciting the interest of all classes of our citizens.  I conceive it to be the duty of government to encourage and increase this interest; to give every possible facility and protection to this pursuit; to  furnish  to  the  popular  mind  correct  accounts  of  the  discoveries  of  science  in  this  department;  to  promote agricultural  education;  to  offer  honours  and  premiums  to  encourage  an  honorable  emulation  and  valuable discoveries  and  achievements  in  this  most  ancient  and  useful  art;  and  thus  to  stimulate  cultivation  and improvement  in  every  branch  of  this  department  of  industry,  and  induce  habits  of  domestic  economy  by  every practicable means. On  the  success of  our manufactures  depends  to  a great  extent  the prosperity of our  agriculture.    It becomes us to develop the resources of our own State and to encourage the productive industry of our own citizens.  Any inducement  which  the  Legislature  can  consistently  present,  that  will  lead  to  increased  interest  and  larger accomplishment  in  this  department,  and  prevent  the  existing  draft  upon  our  resources,  resulting  from  the extensive  sale,  in  this  State,  of  articles manufactured  elsewhere  from  raw material  taken  from Vermont, will,  I am confident, advance materially the prosperity of the Commonwealth. The great interests of agriculture and manufactures being the grand sources of our wealth and independence, every  encouragement  which  you  can  extend  to  them  will  contribute  greatly  to  the  welfare  of  the  State.    As  a large  portion  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature  are  engaged  in  these  pursuits,  they  will  undoubtedly  receive form you that consideration which their magnitude demands. Our  railroads  constitute  an  important  item  in  the  catalogue  of  our  interests.    Cars,  richly  laden  with  the varied productions of  the  earth or  freighted with human beings, are hourly  rolling  through  the valleys and over the mountains of our Commonwealth.   Vast  amounts of property  and  the  safety of great numbers of  the people are  committed  to  the  charge  of  corporations,  which  exist  by  the  authority  of  the  Legislature  and  are  to  a  great extent subject to your regulation and control.  While these agents of the public convenience should receive such favor  as  a  wise  Legislature  would  bestow,  they  should  also  be  subjected  to  rigid  police  regulations  to  guard against  the  melancholy  and  wholesale  destruction  of  human  life,  which  has  too  often  marked  the  history  and marred the utility of this great modern invention. Applications for the increase of the number of banks and the amount of banking capital will doubtless come under your consideration.   The  facilities  afforded by  these  institutions have, beyond  a doubt, been beneficial  to the business interests of the country.  A safe and efficient banking system is one of the most important means of promoting  the pecuniary prosperity of  the people.   Allow me respectfully  to suggest  the  importance of a candid and dispassionate examination of  this  subject, a  freedom  from all  improper  feeling and bias, and a  strict  regard to the actual wants of the community. In  concurrence  with  the  recommendation  of  my  immediate  predecessor  in  each  of  his  annual  messages,  I invite  your  attention  to  the  militia  of  the  State.    A  well  regulated  militia  has  been  relied  upon  by  our  wisest statesmen  as  one  of  the  firmest  securities  which  a  free  government  can  erect  against  the  dangers  which  may beset it.  This branch of the public service constitutes a strong arm of the Commonwealth, which should neither be  cut  off  nor  suffered  to  become  palsied  by  inaction.    A  careful  examination  by  you  of  the  condition  of  the militia, and the laws regulating this subject, is earnestly recommended. The framers of our constitution designed to provide for the speedy and impartial administration of justice, as one of  the  fundamental  interests of  the State.    It  is declared  in our Bill of Rights,  that “every person within  this State ought  to  find  a  certain  remedy, by  “having  recourse  to  the  laws,  for  all  injuries or wrongs, which he may receive  in  his  person,  property  or  character;  he  ought  to  obtain  rights  and  justice  freely,  and  without  being obliged  to  purchase  it;  completely,  and  without  any  denial;  promptly,  and  without  delay,  conformably  to  the laws.”  Complaint is not unfrequently made of the great delay and burdensome expense incident upon actions in our courts of  justice.   The great accumulation of business  in some of  the counties of  the State operates not only to  deny  to  parties  a  decision  of  their  cases  “promptly,  and  without  delay,”  but  also  to  subject  them  to  a  heavy and severe increase of the costs of litigation.  The poor man is virtually debarred from a hearing of his claims by his  inability  to  defray  the  expenses  of  their  prosecution.    I  believe  that  a  serious  evil  is  experienced  by  our citizens in this respect, which addresses itself to the wisdom of the Legislature for a remedy. Much  complaint  has  also  been made  that  our  laws  regulating  attachment  upon mesne  process  are  injurious to  the  interest  of  both  debtor  and  creditor,  and  seriously  cramp  the  enterprise  and  industry  of  our  people,  by impairing  that  feeling  of  confidence  and  security  which  must  characterize  all  healthy  business  relations.    In some  of  the  United  States  this  evil  has  been  avoided  by  the  passage  of  Insolvent  Laws,  in  others  by  allowing attachment on mesne process only  in  cases  of manifest  fraud,  and  in others by providing  that  an  attachment  by one  creditor  shall, under  certain  regulations, be  for  the benefit of all.    I believe  that  the  interest of our State  are seriously  prejudiced  by  our  present  law  upon  this  subject,  and  that  they  demand  of  you  a  careful  consideration of the evil and the various remedies which may suggest themselves to you minds. The  strength  and  efficiency  of  laws  depend  very  much  upon  their  simplicity  and  stability.    Free  States  are more  frequently governed  too much  than  too  little, and  they often  times  fall  into  the mistake of a  too hasty and extensive  legislation.    The  law-making  power  ever  act  calmly  and  deliberately,  an  should  particularly  exercise great  watchfulness  to  prevent  the  passage,  under  the  guise  of  a  professed  public  benefit,  of  enactments  whose whole design and effect are to accomplish private and personal ends. The  state  of  the  public  finances  is  always  a  subject  of  interest  to  the  legislature  and  the  people.   An  annual and  full exhibit of  their condition affords our constituents  the most complete means of  scrutinizing  the conduct of those to whom the care of the Commonwealth has been entrusted, and who appropriate and expend her funds. This  exhibit  in  some  of  the  States  is made  by  the  Executive  in  his  annual message.   As,  under  our  system, disbursing  officers  do  not  report  to  the  Executive,  I  can  only  direct  you  to  the  Auditor’s  Report  which  should exhibit  the  condition  of  all  our  financial  affairs.    Our  people  require  a  discreet  frugality  on  the  part  of  their public  servants,  and  they  are  too well  informed  to  be  deceived  in  regard  to  the  necessary  expenditures  of  time and  money  in  conducting  the  affairs  of  government.    They  require  in  the  management  of  public  matters  the same economy which a wise man exercises  in his own affairs,  that  true economy, which denies all unnecessary and useless expenditures, but is liberal and even munificent in everything that conduces to the lasting glory and prosperity of the Commonwealth. The  term  of  office  of  one  of  our  Senators  in  Congress  will  expire  on  the  third  day  of  March  next.    It therefore  devolves  upon  the Legislature  to  elect  a  Senator  to  represent  this  State  in  the Congress  of  the United States fro six years from that date. I have thus adverted to some of the matters connected with our domestic policy.  But we constitute a part of another  Government,  in  whose  action  we  have  a  most  vital  interest,  and  I  deem  it  proper  to  devote  some attention to the measures and the policy of that Government, which are now deeply agitating the country. The national Republic, which our  fathers established,  rested  for  its ground work upon  the great principle of ht  natural  freedom  and  equality  of  man,  and  the  inalienable  character  of  those  rights.    Though  from  causes beyond  their  control,  a  system  of  domestic  slavery  existed  in  some  of  the  colonies  which  united  together  to shake off oppression and to found a nation, whose vitalizing principle should be the civil and religious freedom of  its  people,  yet,  by  the  common  opinion  of  all  the  early  patriots  and  statesmen  form  every  section  of  the Union,  this  institution was  regarded  as  a  lamentable  evil  and  a  shameful  contradiction  to  the national  idea,  and its  extension was  carefully  prohibited,  and  its  extinction  confidently  expected  as  speedily  as  the  circumstances of the country and the anomalous nature of the evil would permit.  That the founders of the republic considered Liberty to be national, and the cardinal principle of the government, and slavery local and exceptional; that they aimed to spread the blessing of the one over the wide extent of the national territory, and to confine the evils of the  other within  its  already  established  limits;  and  that  such was  he  plan  and  practice  of  the  government  in  its earlier days of purity, is conclusively shown by the terms of the Declaration of Independence,  the Ordinance of 1787,  the  careful  avoidance  of  the word  slave  in  the Constitution,  the  prohibition,  under  the  severest  penalties, of  the  African  Salve  Trade,  and  the  abundant  testimony  of  Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  Henry, and  many  other  early  statesmen,  both  from  the  North  and  the  South,  in  regard  to  the  blighting  influences  of Slavery and the vital necessity of the prohibition of its extension.   That, on the other hand, the Government has now  widely  deviated  from  and  even  totally  reversed  the  principles  and  practice  of  the  early  republic  on  this subject,  is made  evident  by  the  denial  to Congress  of  the  frequently  exercised  right  of  excluding  Slavery  form the national  territories; by  the  repeal of  the Compromise of 1820, by opening  to  the curse of Slavery a vast and beautiful  region,  which  had  been  solemnly  and  forever  dedicated  to  Freedom  years  before,  and  by  the  natural consequences of that perfidious robbery manifested in the high-handed outrages which have recently desecrated the soil of Kansas by an armed and marauding invasion, by the prostitution of the ballot box, by a code of worse than  Draconian  laws,  imposed  upon  a  people  who  had  no  agency  in  making  them,  and  by  a  long  and  terrible series  of  murders,  conflagrations,  rapines,  groundless  prosecutions;  cruel  imprisonments,  and  other  crimes which the advocates of slavery have not hesitated to perpetrate to secure to their wrongful and ruinous control a territory which desired and was entitled  to  the blessing of Liberty; and all  this accomplished, either  through  the direct action or the permissive and encouraging non-interference of the General Government. The  change  in  the  relation  of  Slavery  to  the  National  Government  has  been  total  and  complete.    At  first  it was  merely  a  local  institution,  admitted  to  be  an  evil,  its  existence  deeply  deplored,  and  only  tolerated  on account  of  the  supposedly  difficulty  and  danger  of  its  sudden  abolition,  while  on  the  other  hand  its  extension was  universally  deprecated  and  positively  prohibited.    Now,  it  has  become  an  aggressive  and  powerful principle,  which  has  taken  possession  of  every  department  of  the  Federal  Government,  except  the  popular branch  of  the Legislature;  it  opens  the  avenues  to public  and official position only  to  those who bow before  its monstrous  claims;  it  demands  the  revival  of  the  horrors  of  the African  Slave  Trade;  it  insists  upon  the  right  of passing  through  the  free  States  with  its  Slaves;  it  breaks  down  the  long  established  securities  of  Freedom;  it blockades  the national highways;  it closes  the common  territory of  the country to  the free citizens of  the North; and by the strong arm of power, with the bayonet and the sword, it crushes a people, whose only offence is that they  claim  the  right  to  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own way,  and will  not  submit  to  its  insolent and oppressive demands. The  rapid extension of Slavery and  the aggressive nature of  its demands, excite  the most anxious solicitude in  our minds  for  the  success  and  perpetuity  of  the Union;  and  the  imminent  danger  to  our  free  institutions  has stimulated  all  lovers  of  Liberty  to  endeavor  to  restore  the  action  of  our  Government  to  the  principles  of  its patriotic founders, from which it has so widely deviated.  The people of Vermont have ever, and with increasing force  and  unanimity,  spoken  in  unmistakable  terms  in  opposition  to  the  extension  of  Slavery,  and  I  doubt  not your  action  in  regard  to  this  subject  will  be  complete  accordance  with  the  earnest  sentiments  of  your constituents. Our country has not only lavished her blood and treasure to secure her own liberty, but when distant nations, encouraged  by  her  example,  have  sought  to  be  free,  her  sympathy  and  her  contributions  have  rolled  in  tides  of mighty  impulse  to  their assistance.   The  imprisonment of  a  foreigner, who had  simply declared his  intention of becoming a citizen of  the united State, was  recently considered, by our Government, an  insult  to  the majesty of the  nation,  and  on  a  remote  sea  our  ships  of  war  opened  their  frowning  port  holes  and  sternly  demanded  the immediate release of the prisoner. But citizens of this and other States of our confederacy, who have emigrated to Kansas, a portion of our own country  under  the  direct  authority  of  the  Federal Government, with  the  intention  of making  that Territory  their home,  relying  on  the  assurances  of  that  Government  that  they  should  be  “left  in  perfect  freedom  to  form  and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way,”  have, by lawless and repeated invasions of the people of another State, been deprived of  the dearest  rights of  freemen;  their  lives and property have been  threatened and destroyed,  and  they  have  been  subjected  by  these  invaders  to  the  most  cruel  and  tyrannical  enactments  which have characterized modern legislation; and yet, notwithstanding their frequent appeals to the President for relief, none  has  been  afforded  them;  their  robbers  and  murderers  remain  unpunished,  some  even  in  official  positions under  the  Federal Government;  and  obedience  to  the  pretended  laws  of  the  Territory  is  enforced  by  the  armed soldiery of the United States. The  recollection  of  our  own  early  history  as  a  Commonwealth  should  awaken  in  our  breasts  the  liveliest sympathies  for our brethren who are struggling  for  freedom  in Kansas.   Vermont was once  the  scene of  similar depredations,  hardships  and  cruelties.    Her  early  settlers  were  ejected  from  their  possessions,  and  were  denied all law and justice, by the emissaries of a government which wrongfully claimed dominion over them. I  earnestly  suggest  to  your  careful  deliberation  the  question whether,  in  view  of  the  great wrongs  to which our  citizens  in  Kansas  are  subjected,  and  the  utter  neglect  of  the  General  Government  to  protect  them,  some action is not required of you, equal to the importance and emergency of their cause. I  trust  the  Legislature will  prove  itself  a  generous  patron  to  the  noble  charities  that  distinguish  this  age,  its acts bear the impress of humanity and benevolence. Relying with confidence on the wisdom of your deliberations and action, I tender you, gentlemen, my hearty co-operation in all your laudable efforts for the public welfare.                Montpelier Oct. 10, 1856.  RYLAND FLETCHER..